Global Journalism

Importance of Media in Democracy

2006-07-06T01:49:00.000-07:00

Danielle Dupree

A little girl watches in terror and tears as her parents, Hungarian journalists, are arrested and hauled away in handcuffs by secret police. They were wire-service reporters guilty only of reporting the truth—the grim Cold War events of the 1950s in Eastern Europe. The little girl did not see her mother for a year—her father, for two years after their arrest in early 1955.

"I was a small child, but the experience of seeing my parents led away by Hungarian secret policemen while the world stood by passively left a permanent mark," Kati Marton, chair of the Committee to Protect Journalists, said.

Such are the obstacles to media freedom. Media support is an important weapon in the establishment and protection of democracy. A handful of organizations have attempted to address these stumbling blocks and to develop media sectors around the globe that would contribute to democracy. It is their goal to increase development of a politically active civil society through an enhanced free flow of accurate information.

Training journalists, reforming media laws, removing barriers to access and strengthening constituencies for reform are at the tip of the sword. in the democratic transition and consolidation. Programs support objective news so that people can make informed decisions and counter state-controlled media. They also strive to cultivate alternative media so that multiple voices and opinions will be heard.

Access to information is essential to the health of democracy for at least two reasons. First, it ensures that citizens make responsible, informed choices rather than acting out of ignorance or misinformation. Second, information serves a "checks and balances" function by ensuring elected officials uphold their oaths of office and carry out the wishes of those who elected them. Opposite examples of this can be found in the recent history of Serbia and Croatia. Morton reports her experience:

"In two separate trips to the Balkans last year, I met with Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic and Croatian President Franjo Tudjman. I had a single agenda: to bring to bear the full force of the American media on these post-Communist dictators' attempts to suppress independent journalists.

"The mask of benevolence slipped momentarily from President Tudjman's face when I asked him point-blank why he was suing an independent-and thus critical of Tudjman-provincial newspaper for a ruinous sum.

"'Would any other head of state put up with this sort of coverage?' he erupted, jabbing his finger at the cover of the satirical weekly Feral Tribune. My answer, 'All the democratically elected ones,' elicited from him not the slightest sign of comprehension."

Proper media support will yield results in governance activities, particularly those related to decentralization, anti-corruption and citizen participation in the policy process. Support will also produce a watchful eye on the judiciary and reports on the courts.

It promotes a legal enabling environment suitable for press freedom. Fair elections conducted through transparent processes require a media which gives candidates equal access and reports the relevant issues in a timely, objective manner.
The ultimate goal of media support should be to develop a range of diverse mediums and voices that are credible, and to create and strengthen a sector that promotes such outlets. This results in a readership that is informed enough to participate in society.

Supporting democracy through free media encompasses everything from the universities that train future journalists to the courts that protect their rights. Objectives designed to achieve these goals include:

Help foster advocacy for media with legislative and regulatory bodies
Increase flows of advertising revenues to the regions (decentralization)
Increase access to and ownership of production and distribution
Increase investment and loan opportunities for regional media
Increase horizontal ties among media professionals
Expand educational and practical programs in electronic information gathering and dissemination
Expand educational and practical programs in business, management and technical skills
Increase professional contacts and collaboration between domestic and foreign media companies and institutions
Protect key resources, such as film and archive materials that document historical developments, outside news feeds, electronic information sources, access to public records, policy makers and government officials, etc.
Promoting industry-wide trade organizations and professional associations
Overcoming government domination of information
Convincing governments a balanced and objective press contributes to political and economic well-being.

Raising the level of journalistic professionalism

"The Committee believes the sustainability of non-state-controlled media is critically important ... Capacity building through training in commercial management and basic journalism, as well as development of an independent media infrastructure are all necessary elements to further enhancing economic and political reform."
— The Senate Foreign Operations Bill for 1998

Community media has enormous potential to introduce plural voices to the media sector, to deliver development messages and to empower communities to take charge of their own information needs and to develop appropriate formats for meeting them.

The Roma Press Center, located in Budapest, Hungary, is an NGO supplying news and information towards the largest possible public regarding the situation of the Roma, the largest ethnic minority in Central and Easter Europe. The press center was established in 1995 in order to increase the presence of the Roma in Hungarian mainstream media.

Through its established domestic network of correspondents in most of the Hungarian countries and, from October '97, its regional office in Pecs, it functions as a bridge of communication toward the largest Hungarian national dailies and the local newspapers. The press center's activities seem to have been successful so far: about 60 percent of its more than 500 news items have been published in at least one Hungarian newspaper along with about 50 features. In a number of cases the press center was the first to call the larger public's attention to an issue.

The Budapest Center for Independent Journalism was founded in 1995 by the New York-based Independent Journalism Foundation. The center is a non-political, non-profit organization supporting ethical, unbiased investigative news reporting.

It offers opportunities for journalists and media students to learn about new advances in media technology and organizes course, conferences, seminars, and roundtable discussions.

Within the framework of the ProMedia program, 300 journalists from local television stations were trained by the center in local news production and studio work.

Finally, given limited democracy and governance budgets generally, and media sector support budgets specifically, it is important to prioritize activities according to areas will yield the greatest impact over the shortest period of time, or which activities will produce the most sustainable, long-term results.

Media law reform is a priority area since it addresses the structural and institutional constraints to media development. Combined with self-regulation of journalists this can be a very powerful approach to media development.

* Notes, Media Democracy, CPJ.com, European media landscape

Today and tomorrow

2006-07-03T21:48:00.000-07:00

Jennifer Lockman

Hungary's media: today

My initial research, examining the media in Hungary post-communism, produced the conclusion that little progress has been made in ways of 'freeing' the press. After visiting Hungary, I return now with an even stronger belief that the press is not free and a disturbing theory that the lack of desire on the part of the people is the reason press freedoms are not addressed – and the reason Hungary is going to struggle in establishing a democracy.
Political party influences are not only evident in ownership, but also in reportage. Wages are low and workers are overburdened with too many projects – making reliance on press releases and one-sided reporting second nature when time constraints are strict. Another major point to make is the absence of objectivity. But the matter in question is whether or not objectivity should be a concern.
In contrast to the argument that the people directly play a role in increased press freedoms is the ideology of manufactured consent – which states that the actions on the part of the people are a direct result of the news product reported by a reporter/station. Zoltan Rendi, television host for RTL Klub – one of the two commercial television stations in Budapest – made a disturbing comment that news doesn’t happen during the summer months; concreting the argument that the news is important because the people desire for the news.

"Possession is 9/10ths of the law"

The short-lived democratic period of 1945-1948 saw the reestablishment of press freedom. Because, however, there was a general shortage of paper, only the political parties were allowed to publish a newspaper. (Bajomi-Lazar) During this time, three major newspapers were circulated throughout Hungary. Nepsabadsag was the organ of the Social Democratic Party; Kis Ujsag that of the Independent Smallholders Party; and Szabad Nep that of the Hungarian Communist Party. (Bajomi-Lazar)
After 1989, the number of newspapers and magazines skyrocketed. When addressing saturation of print media, Rendi stated that there were enough papers for each person in Hungary to have their own paper with their own news. This is an over exaggeration, but a statement quite true in comparison to the number of dailies and weeklies available now as to those available before 1989.
During Prime Minister Viktor Orban's term (1998-2002), the government used taxpayer's money to establish pro-government newspapers such as Heti Valasz, funded partisan Kis Ujsag, but refused to renew the license of Tilos Radio, one of Hungary's pioneering multiculturalists community radio station.
There are no laws mandating newspapers to publish ownership information. Very few media outlets publish information about their ownership and Nepsabadsag is no exception. Even more questionable about the unbiased standpoint of the paper is the editor himself. Andras Varga has worked for Nepsabadsag for over 25 years and was employed during the newspaper's transformation in 1989. The staff directly asked him to be their editor. Nepsabadsag translated means: people’s freedom – but the Socialist party claims ownerships of 26% of the newspaper. Ironic?
And in contrast to my previous findings, which concluded that Nepsabadsag had become a paper stripped of its old dogma and propaganda tactics for the most part – Nepsabadsag’s current ownership is simply evidence of the newspaper’s standpoint: unchanged.
Today, diversity is still limited in the Hungarian media. Even with the privatizing of the broadcast media, ownership is still very limited. Aside from relaxed broadcasting regulations, only two public broadcasting stations exist, MTV1 and MTV2 – which the government sees as public service institutions as expressed in my first report; and supported by finding of Peter Bajomi-Lazar, professor at Kodalanyi University College in Szekesfehervar, Hungary. And in 1993, the national conservative coalition government managed to appoint its loyalists to the key positions of Hungarian Television which led to pro-government bias in public service new outlets. (Bajomi-Lazar)

"Excuse me sir, is there a problem?"

I've never staked claim to being a diehard patriot for my country – but I find the function of the American press to be much more of a voice for the people than for the government and much more objective. Many media analysts suggest objectivity is inexistent, but an attempt to be objective allows for the reader to make a decision on a smaller amount of biased information compared to a subjective article.
Objective journalism (Anglo-Saxon model) states that journalists should not serve a government party or themselves, but the audience. This type of journalism is there to be the "public watchdog" and protect societal values: freedom, equality, etc. However, Bajomi-Lazar says that objectivity does not exist in Hungary or anywhere else for that matter – it is simply a theory. Subjective journalism is very common in Hungary, but subjectivity seems to be an insignificant problem as compared to many other issues facing the press. Bajomi-Lazar lists several deficiencies in Hungarian journalism:
1. Reliance on press releases;
2. Freelance journalists are paid per page, so there is a lack of quality in journalism.
3. Journalists are underpaid and have to work two jobs.
4. Corruption is extremely widespread.
5. Journalists are overburdened with work so they cannot do a proper job.
6. No archive system in Hungary – and the ones that exist are very difficult to review.
7. Information is not disclosed by journalists, but by political parties.
8. Most newspapers cannot afford to pay for investigative journalists.
9. Journalists fail to report on both sides due to time constraints and because journalists follow the European standard model that states journalists purpose is to influence the audience.
10. There were no journalism schools before the transformation – so journalists had no solid background.

However, subjective journalism allows for the journalist to influence the audience and promote their own opinion – which in the case of Hungary is political party opinions. The editor of Nepsabadsag compared the newspaper to the New York Times – but the circulation of this paper is nowhere near proportionally comparable to that of the "Old Gray Lady". In a country of 10 million, Nepsabadsag reaches approximately 2% of the population. The papers that you will find selling well are the sensational tabloids – luring readers with large photos of voluptuous women; Women's Journal, which is similar to the United State's Women's Journal; and sports tabloids. People seem to be more interested in the "Who's Who" list more so than the news – which is also common in the United States, Southeast Pacific, and the United Kingdom.

"And the answer is..."

Press freedoms are slowly evolving in Hungary. However, it’s arguable that press freedoms are nothing more than teasers to appease the very few that contest the regulations and restrictions placed on the media. An organization in question is MOUSZ – the national association of journalists. An incident occurred in Hungary just before I arrived – a journalist was arrested during a riot because he was mistaken to be a rioter (with a camera). The day my group visited MOUSZ, a meeting was to be held with the Hungarian police to address this issue of mistaken identity. MOUSZ is proposing to the police that journalists carry orange vests to distinguish them from rioters, but the underlying problem with this proposal is whether or not rioters will be more likely to attack the journalist(s) present. MOUSZ is one of the few organizations that survived the fall of communism and besides their democratic exterior; they are still very much a part of the far left. Journalists’ rights are non-existence in Hungary and MOUSZ is simply a puppet to keep socialist elites in the know and in control of the media.
There is no simple fix to democratizing the media in Hungary – and should there be? From Bajomi-Lazar’s report, there are definite areas to be improved – all of the listed above deficiencies should be addressed, but one major area of concern is subjectivity. American journalists do not follow the Anlgo-Saxon model of reportage, but there does seem to be a sort of checks and balances between the networks, but is subjectivity in journalism wrong? There will always be a degree of subjectivity in the news – after all, only one reporter can tell a story at a given time. However, in the United States codes of ethics, established at the local level by publishers and at the national level by press organizations, attempt to keep journalists objective.
In order to solve this problem, one must start at the top. The government views the media as a mouthpiece for their politics and nothing more. Change the view from the top and the rest will fall into place.

Racism in Hungary and the U.S.

2006-07-03T21:38:00.000-07:00

Danielle Dupree

In a country where objectivity is rare and racism is rampant, I witnessed racial intolerance in a new light. A recent field study in global journalism, held in Budapest, Hungary, gave me a chance to observe discrimination as an unbiased outsider—something simply not possible in the United States.

While there is not a racist bone in my body, truth is I am only a few of generations removed from the hatred that blinded millions. I was exposed to the slurs, stories and cold shoulders as a child.

Older relatives discussed their opinions openly—loudly and without regret. The exposure caused me to become desensitized to such things. I tuned them out, knowing it wasn’t true. However, ignoring the problem doesn’t make it better.

Observing racism on the streets of Budapest was an eye-opening, life-changing experience. Stopping people at random after class in Blaha Lujza ter led to comment after comment of guiltless hatred of the Roma. These were not old timers caught up in a time long gone. They were people of all ages, mostly young Hungarians. How do you fight that?

I couldn’t help but think this must be what it was like in the U.S. before the Civil Rights movement, only 40 years ago. I made the comparison to a young Hungarian man, only to have my head bitten off. Attila, accompanied by his girlfriend and two men from Ghana, quickly told me that it was a completely different situation.

Americans were wrong in their racism against blacks, he said. “It’s different here. The Roma are bad, just bad!” Attila said in broken English. “If you are on the street alone at night and the Roma don’t like you, if they have knives they will rob you. I know this,” he said anxiously. He couldn’t tell me how he knew this or recall an example of such a thing happening. He just “knew it.”

I tried again to make a comparison. I explained that generations of Americans have believed blacks have criminal tendencies in their blood, that they are simply lesser humans destined to do bad things—that these beliefs are only now starting to fade into our shameful history. I tried to tell of the progress made in the States, standing arm and arm with Cherilyn Robinson, an African-American and fellow Texas A&M student.

Attila was not buying into my theory. He simply shook his head and walked away. I stood there wondering if he would ever change his mind about the Roma—if the situation will ever improve.

Hungarian Roma are discriminated against in employment and education. They face frequent, violent attacks by right-wing groups, including skinheads, combined with an intentional lack of protection by police and the courts.

I wondered if Attila, and others like him, would someday look to the U.S. and learn from the mistakes of our past. Naïve hope? Yes.

The time of lynchings, flaming crosses and black men dangling from trees was over long before I was born. Racism in the U.S., now, was nothing more than old timers remembering and young rednecks dreaming—jokes told at a whisper, dirty looks exchanged in traffic. Or so I thought.

Reading of skinhead attacks and other hate crimes against Roma reminded me of events from a troubling, not-so-distant, local history.

On a cool September night in Linden, Texas, four young white men drove a mentally challenged black man to a pasture party, got him drunk and made him dance while jeering at him with racial slurs. When their interest faded, the boys—the oldest in his early 20s—beat Billy Ray Johnson and left him for dead in a ditch on an angry pile of ants.

The attack left Johnson even more handicapped—sentencing him to a life condemned to a nursing home unable to care for himself. The boys were acquitted of all felony charges and given probation—a slap on the wrist.

Some members of the small East Texas community, 15 miles from my hometown, saw the mere fact there was a trial as “a sign of progress in these parts.”

This was not the first hate crime in recent years. On June 7, 1998 three white men, using a logging chain, chained a black man to the bumper of a 1992 Ford truck, backed over him and then drug him for roughly 3 miles down a secluded, country road.

James Byrd Jr. fought to keep his head off the pavement, grinding his elbows, knees, heels and buttocks to the bone before his head slammed into a concrete culvert, killing him. The men eventually stopped the truck and unchained what was left of Byrd—by then, nothing more than a bloody torso—leaving him in the middle of Huff Creek Road, in front of a predominantly black church.

Byrd’s head, arm, shoulder and personal belongings were found strewn along the 3-mile, bloody trail. The three men were found guilty of capital murder and two were sentenced to death. The third man, the owner of the pickup used to drag Byrd to his death, was sentenced to life in prison.

More recently, a nonviolent case of discrimination made the news. Last week while at work I was looking for stories to put in the Texarkana Gazette when I came across a wire story about a jury awarding a black woman $550,000 because she had been denied promotions to a principal’s job due to her race and sex.

Rosie Martin, Coleman Elementary School assistant principal, was awarded $50,000 in back pay and an additional $500,000 in damages in the suit she filed against the superintendent of the Pine Bluff, Ark. school district.

How was it possible for such ignorance, evil and hatred to exist so close to where I grew up? The country had made so much progress … things were simply not that bad there—at least not in my world.

Is our country really that far ahead of Hungary in racial tolerance? Yes and no. What Hungarians discuss openly in public squares is still talked about everyday in backwoods bars, prisons and homes across the U.S.

Fundamentalists, racists and hate groups still operate in the U.S. The Ku Klux Klan, National Alliance, Nation of Islam, National Socialist Movement (U.S.), New Black Panthers, Aryan Nations, Black Hebrew Israelites, Nation of Yahweh and the White Order of Thule are among the groups listed among the 762 active hate groups in the U.S. according to the 2004 Southern Poverty Law Center’s Intelligence Project. This list includes a handful of Black and Chicano nationalist groups.

Is there really that much difference between a typical Hungarian and a “good ol’ boy” with a case of beer and a fist full of hate propaganda? No. Whether against blacks or the Roma, racism implies a belief in the superiority of one’s own race regardless of the continent.

However, the difference between the two countries is in the general belief of majority of the citizens, the laws and punishment designed to protect minorities. In the U.S. the days of hate crimes going unpunished are long over. While there are a small number of racists left, the public by far will not stand for such actions. This was seen in Jasper in 1998-99. The town rallied around the Byrd family and justice was served quickly.

The Hungarian government has also adopted a number of policies designed to address the treatment of Roma, including the new local and national self-government system, as well as several measures to reform the negative behavior of the police in relation to Roma.

Overall, it appears on paper, Hungarian Roma have equal rights and a level of legal protection greater than that of most Roma in Eastern Europe and the national government is making attempted to improve their situation.

However, current policies are insufficient to adequately address the magnitude of popular discrimination and prejudice against Roma. Until the attitude of the population changes, things will not get better for Roma.

Anti-racist ideology has been enormously influential around the world. It has been a catalyst for feminism, anti-war, and anti-imperialist movements. As James Loewen notes in "Lies My Teacher Told Me","Throughout the world, from Africa to Northern Ireland, movements of oppressed people continue to use tactics and words borrowed from our abolitionist and civil rights movements."

Images, words and tactics developed by anti-racism activists were used in East Germany, revolutionary Iran, Tiananmen Square and South America—some having better results than others.

Not so long ago, racism was the explicit ideology of western societies. Today, on the other hand, it is condemned—at least in name—by almost every prominent person in the country. Today, no public figure in America wants to be known as a white supremacist.

Even Strom Thurmond and George Corely Wallace, two racist political powerhouses in their time, renounced racism years before their deaths.

Thurmond, in a 1948 presidential campaign speech said

“I wanna tell you, ladies and gentlemen, that there’s not enough troops in the army to force the Southern people to break down segregation and admit the nigra race into our theaters, into our swimming pools, into our homes, and into our churches.”

The speech was met with thunderous applause.

Wallace’s run as governor of Alabama is marked by his dramtic “stand in the school house door,” the nationally publicized fire hose and police dog incidents of Birmingham.

The 1963 bombing of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham was widely associated with Wallace and police chief Eugene “Bull” Connor. Four black little girls were killed in the infamous tragedy. A famous poem, Ballad of Birmingham, written by Dudley Randall about the incident is included at the end of this blog.

In conclusion, while racism exists in the U.S. and Hungary, the major difference between the two nations is simple. The majority of Americans now believe “all men were created equal” while 90 percent of the Hungarian population believes Roma are inherently evil.

No laws or attempts at social change will take root or be enforced on a wide scale until the minds of the people change—and this could take generations. Even assistance from the all-powerful European Union will not help until the attitude of Hungarians changes.

Until then, crimes against Roma will go vastly unpunished and unpublicized. The cycle will continue. A spiraling path of cause and effect will perpetuate the problem. Prejudice leads to intolerance that leads to an economic situation that forces minorities to the fringes of society, that in turn feeds prejudice.

For me, this poem has always summed up the horror of racism. I wonder if there is an equivalent work describing tragedies against Roma?

Ballad of Birmingham

(On the bombing of a church in Birmingham, Alabama, 1963)

"Mother dear, may I go downtown
Instead of out to play,
And march the streets of Birmingham
In a Freedom March today?"

"No, baby, no, you may not go,
For the dogs are fierce and wild,
And clubs and hoses, guns and jails
Aren't good for a little child."

"But, mother, I won't be alone.
Other children will go with me,
And march the streets of Birmingham
To make our country free."

"No, baby, no, you may not go,
For I fear those guns will fire.
But you may go to church instead
And sing in the children's choir."

She has combed and brushed her night-dark hair,
And bathed rose petal sweet,
And drawn white gloves on her small brown hands,
And white shoes on her feet.

The mother smiled to know that her child
Was in the sacred place,
But that smile was the last smile
To come upon her face.

For when she heard the explosion,
Her eyes grew wet and wild.
She raced through the streets of Birmingham
Calling for her child.

She clawed through bits of glass and brick,
Then lifted out a shoe.
"O, here's the shoe my baby wore,
But, baby, where are you?"

Written by Dudley Randall (1914-2000)

A Minority Today

2006-07-03T15:03:00.000-07:00

Cherilyn Robinson

A Minority Today

Minorities in Budapest, Hungary are still fighting in the 20th century for the freedom of Speech and the right to be treated like normal citizens in a country they love.
Today Roma’s in the EU are struggling with Human rights. The fight for better jobs and the right to be socially and politically accepted are just a few of the common goals of the Romanians.
The Roma’s, a Ethnic minority have been treated with little respect if any in a country that has grown from a communist country led by rulers in a non-democratic fashion to a country which now has developed into a no -communist era, however the Roma’s are still being oppressed.
A minority is defined as persons motivated by a concern to preserve together that which constitutes their common identity, including their culture, traditions, religion or the language. The Roma population is up to 30 million today, a third of which live in Europe today.
Budapest being the Capital of Hungary in Europe allows the Roma’s an opportunity to voice their opinions openly and host speakers from other nations to voice their concerns as well as listen to the problem with hope of some solutions in the future. Budapest may very well be the backbone for the EU.
The affliction faced by the Roma or Gypsies in Eastern Europe strongly resembles the struggle of the minority in the United States among the African American race. It is obvious that the different culture both holds strong ties to biased upbringings about the descendants of either country.
Newspapers
Private ownership of publications were legalized in 1989. Budapest’s main papers are

Nepszabadsag, The country's biggest-selling broadsheet and is now in the process of

uncoupling itself from all ties with the governing Hungarian Socialist Party.

Blikk, exemplifies Hungary's post-communist thirst for a mix of tabloid news presentation,

humor and sex.

Magyar Nemzet, the chief platform for conservative comment and opinion in the Hungarian

press.

Magyar Hirlap, often tends to support the liberal Alliance of Free Democrats.

Nepszara, has close links with the Hungarian Socialist Party. And finally,

Nemzeti Sport, has all the classic hallmarks of in-your-face tabloid sports journalism.

These papers were founded between 1873 and 1963. However, most news found on the

Gypsies or the Roma in Budapest in Hungary can be found in the Budapest Sun or in

Hungary around the clock.

On a tour of the Nepszabadsag paper in Budapest we were given a chance to sit down and talk to the Editor and Chief of the paper through translators. We learned about the daily operations of the paper the origin of the paper as well as the format for the papers layout.
Television
Hungarian TV is a little different, but certainly most interesting. This was probably one of the most exciting field trips to most of us with the exception of the Parliament and maybe the House of Terror, a historic museum that tells the story of the Nazi’s after the collapse of communism.
We were able to tour the TV station and observe an Hungarian Soap Opera being filmed. The days were packed with educational tours as well as informative seminars from the beginning to the end. Lasting impressions are valuable for a lifetime, Every student stood proudly listening as the director explained the technological operations of the studios newest equipment, equipment that we have all been trained on in the States before it could reach Budapest. Hungarian television uses the PAL (European) standard. A PAL or multi-system TV is necessary to receive local programming. If equipped with a satellite dish or cable, most areas in Budapest can pick up many of the following English language channels: Sky News, CNN International, MTV, Euro news, Super Channel, Euro sport, the Cartoon Network/TNT, Fox Sport/Cartoon, Sport 1, MSNBC, Animal Planet, and Discovery Channel.
Minorities in the Media
When the communist regimes of Central and Eastern Europe collapsed under the pressure of public protest, ethnic minorities played a crucial role. They had often been among the most harshly affected by communist dictatorship and were among the first to rebel.
Countries in the region faced many different conditions, yet all struggled with poverty and social dislocation. Their leaders were inexperienced in dealing with the democracy and market of the economy.
The situation of the Roma is the biggest concern. They have been for many years the victims by both racist, violencde and poverty. They face discriminations on the job market, but also when it comes to housing and schools.
This is typical of problems plaguing Eastern Europe and it’s minorities in the media scene.
Most minority programs are broadcast by regional stations. But, both minority media and minority programs on mainstream media are under funded, understaffed and under trained. It is basically underdeveloped. Revenue is low and as a result programs are limited to music and or transmissions, and include little original reporting. They face completive conditions and are often allowed unattractive time slots or limited time.
The RPC is a non- profit news agency, providing balanced coverage on Roma issues to the mainstream media. It produces its own broadcasts for radio station and exchanges reports with the counterparts on Slovakia and the Czech Republic. It trains Roma journalists and runs an internship program in mainstream media for them.
Roma media outlets have been operating with success in the region but, there is still a need for Improvement of professional standards however, to ensure that these outlets can continue to provide service to Roma communities.
The print press was controlled by the Government during the times of a country ran by a dictatorship which would interfere with the ownerships causing a media war. Journalist community were divided and there were various political parties. Also, during the time of communism with Social prestige being a large factor, circulation of papers went down tremendously.
A research in Hungarian Journalism showed 45% of the people in 1992 thought there was complete freedom in the Hungarian press but by 1997- 2000 only 27% believed this.
In 1992 a total of 45% also believed that there was on interference in the press or they simply had no comment where again in 1997-2000 the numbers changed to 31%.
A Minority
Admittedly warned before traveling abroad about the culture of the Hungarians and the shock of seeing someone “black” caused me to pay special attention to the minorities of the city and the reactions of the people as I walked down the street. Some seemed to be oblivious while others looked on with interest.
Opportunities arose to talk to non-traditionalist of Budapest on several occasions whether they were passengers on the tram or Individual having lived Europe for less than 10 years but, of another nationality. Few gave any serious consideration of how the culture seemed different from the states in relations to racism. Others thought the reason for the obvious stares were because the people were not used to seeing someone of another culture with such dark skin and still some would explain when asked about the out right stares. “ You are probably being stared at because they think you are beautiful” and “the people are not accustomed to seeing descendents of such unless they were truly Africans or on TV“.
It is obvious also that Hungarians are naturally friendly people and love to shake hands although they don’t readily speak unless possibly being introduced by an acquaintance you may have in common. Just like anywhere else there is evidence of prejudice, especially on the tram and on the buses. This only stands out because you rarely see anyone categorized as a minority in such situations on the streets of Budapest or riding on the public transportation systems. Very likely one would have to be considerably open minded and rarely concerned about what others are thinking while going about your daily activities in the city known as the city of love and also for its friendly people.
This in relations to seeing a Roma in Budapest and being an African American in the states seemed to be part of a high prestige in comparison after learning how the Roma are treated.
Today a Roma from Hungary would have a better chance in the US than the minority known here as the “blacks” and seemly a black would have a better chance in Budapest or the EU than the Roma or the Gypsy have in their country.

The best six hour credit ever.

2006-07-03T11:02:00.000-07:00

Jennifer Teeters
July 1, 2006
International Field Study in Hungary – Summer 2006
Living in Texarkana, many people don’t have a broad knowledge of what life is like in other places of the world. Twelve students traveling across the globe to visit Hungary and Switzerland is not something you hear about often in our small town. But to me and my fellow students, it was the opportunity of a lifetime. I had been to Western Europe before, but never to any of the eastern countries. I had no idea what to expect but I knew it was going to be an exciting, fulfilling trip. As we were leaving to catch the plane back home, part of me wanted to stay behind. It only furthered my love for Europe and made me realize that maybe I would want to live there some day. We toured all around the city, learning while sightseeing. We had “classroom” time in the mornings, where professors at universities in Hungary lectured us on different aspects of the country and the media. We went non-stop for 10 days, but with everything we took in and learned, it was worth every minute.
We learned about the transition from communism to democracy in Hungary from Gergely Romsics. There were many aspects of change during this time, from international politics to economics to ideas. The transition occurred during the time of the Second Cold War and the Reagan Administration. With influence from Carter’s policies, the US leads the USSR to surrender in 1987. By 1989, the Soviets give up the arms race after their economy and political structures collapse, leading to the dismantling of the Eastern European empire. The economic system had to catch up through central planning for a market economy. In 1968, the New Mechanism was introduced to increase productivity, turning profit incentives into economic process. In the 1970s, there began to show a decrease in growth, and by the 1980s, there was a recession and increase in foreign debt. The New Mechanism failed because incentives did not motivate the largest state-owned enterprises. Capital and know-how were still scarce, and there was no large scale entry to Western markets. Living standards decreased after 1985, with state-owned companies almost broke, and in 1988, strikes began. There were several “elite” political parties that had formed in Hungary: the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party, the Democratic Opposition, the Populists, and the Silent “Historical” Middle Class. The Workers’ Party was lead by J. Kadar for 30 years until 1987. A succession led to a breakdown into the hardliners, pragmatists, and reformists. The Democratic Opposition recruited the New Lefts, or anarchists, of the 1960s. There was underground book smuggling, urban intellectual, and “borderline” social sciences. They were persecuted by police, with house searches and psychological harassment. The Populists were an informal group, known as “third way-ists.” They had a national agenda focusing on issues such as minorities, population, declining birth rates, and substance abuse. They were not as clear on their politics and policies as other parties. 1987 brought on some aspects of reform and democracy for Hungary. There was a transition to a mixed market economy with civil liberties. For example, there was freedom of the press, but the country still had socialist ideas. The Social Contract created a pluralist democracy and market economy. In 1988, society follows with things such as a liberal visa regime, which allowed for shopping in Austria and freedom of travel. Hungary’s form of communism was the most liberal, compared to countries like Poland, where there was much more opposition and underground movements. President Bush showed the US’s support of their transition by symbolically tearing up a speech in Budapest and declaring that “we support you.” Roundtable talks to set up the political system and shift policy led to a three tiered system for governing ability and representation. Some of the new government’s early platforms were neutrality membership in the Council of Europe but not the EU or NATO, and a liberal market. Some problems arose in societal and political areas, bringing on ethnonationalism vs. individualism, province vs. city, Christians vs. Jews, and historical traditions vs. new beginnings. Other obstacles included disinterested citizens, a society untrained to decision making, with voters preferring a paternalist state, and missing entrepreneurs. Civil society was dominated by political parties, intellectuals were dependent on political power, and political corruption and nepotism were widespread. The gradualist approach failed after a few years, and in the mid 1990s, restrictionist reform was introduced. The millennium brought on some challenges and changes, and Hungary’s membership to the European Union has affected the country as well. Agriculture has become the “foster child” of the market economy. Hungary is still young in its democracy, and it still has work to be done. While it has some aspects of a strong liberal democracy (strong Supreme Court control, independent media, and a functioning market economy), there is still minority discrimination, a “Latinized” state bureaucracy, and a generally disinterested society.
Romsics also lectured on the European Union and Hungary’s involvement in it. The European Union is a political system tat combines elements of both a nation state and a traditional international organization. It makes policy in specified areas. It was started from the idea raised in WWII that made European states want to change the nature of relations. The European Union has embarked on the process of constitutionalism. It enables states and societies to gain some control over markets and can address trans-border issues like the environment, health, migration, and international crime more effectively. The main organizations of the EU are the European Commission, the Council of Ministers, the European Parliament, and the European Court of Justice. Hungary became part of the EU in 2004 when it and gained Poland, Slovakia, Czech Republic, Slovenia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Cyprus, and Malta. After USSR collapsed and Eastern European countries gained their independence, the EU acted by providing aid and loans to new democracies. The “Copenhagen Criteria” for membership to the EU required stability of a countries’ institutions, rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, and a working market economy and ability to compete with other EU market forces. The Copenhagen summit in 2002 declared that the 10 countries would become members in 2004.
Another lecture was by Peter Bajomi-Lazar, who talked about the status of the media in Hungary. He explained the changes in the media during the transition from communism to democracy. He talked of a media “war” that split the conservative, older classes and the educated, “bourgeois” classes. There are two levels of media with different concepts and actions. In the 20th century, there were 10 different political regimes and each had a different ideology than before. There was pressure put on journalists but a lack of consistency in Hungarian journalism. He referred to the Leminist model, where engagement and politics are more important than skills, partisan journalism, which believed in cause promoting journalism, and neutrally objective journalism, which should serve the audience, not government or agendas. The causes of low standards were reliance on official news sources, freelance journalists, underpaid, overburdened journalists, and underpaid investigative journalists who failed to cover the other side. There were no journalism schools before the switch from communism to democracy. He noted that most citizens have a level of media pessimism, thinking that the media is a cause for evil in society. He had an informative table that laid out the standards and practice for political orientation, represented values, coverage of reality, plurality, relationship to government, function of journalism, role of journalist, and major content in the media.
We learned about the Hungarian media landscape from Dr. Gyorgya Retfalvi. Some of the information she had was from the same website upon which I based much of my paper. She covered the history of print, radio, and TV. She listed the first commercial radio and cable channels and the first public and pay channels. She noted that as in all communist countries, the media is influenced by communism and market mechanisms. After 1990, the ownership structure as well as media’s role in society changed. Some of the problems for media in a democracy rise from the fact that Hungary has a small population and therefore small market, meaning that the media cannot be insured by market mechanisms alone. It has to be controlled through market mechanisms and state intervention.
Alfonz Zsiga, with some help from Janis Overlock, explained to us the status of the Roma in Hungary. He informed us of the prejudices that are still very prevalent in the country today. It was very interesting to be able to hear firsthand his experiences of being a minority. The two spoke of several instances of discrimination in restaurants and other public places. Hungarians as a whole have a negative attitude toward the Roma and make general assumptions about the group. Empathy and sympathy for the Roma has disappeared.
We visited several media outlets and organizations in Budapest. We met with two leaders from MUOSZ, the Hungarian Press Association. They explained their organization’s purpose and gave information on its members. It has a membership of six to seven thousand and provides services like a union for journalists but is a lobby organization. The qualifications for membership are either to have a college education or go through MUOSZs own two year training. It is funded by membership fees and sponsorship. One of the things they have been pushing for in recent years is more protection of journalists along with harsher punishment for those who commit crimes against journalists and better education for police on journalists’ rights and purposes. Even though the organization has probably done many good things for journalists, it seems as if they don’t have as much power as they would like to have. Because there is still so much political influence in the media in Hungary, MUOSZs capabilities are without a doubt limited. We visited RTL Klub, the largest commercial TV station in Budapest that broadcasts for all of Hungary. We toured the control room, newsrooms, editing rooms, and got to play on the green screen, a technology that is fairly new for Hungary. After we toured the TV station, we went next door to a soundstage where they film a famous soap opera called Among Friends. We got to see the actors shooting a scene and walked around all the sets. We talked to the editor in chief of Nepszabadsag, a major newspaper. He discussed the transformation of the paper from communist to democracy. He noted that before democracy, it was a gray world and that it is definitely better now, but that the paper, as well as the country, has more responsibility. We visited Radio C, a minority radio station for Roma. Alfonz helped to get the station on its feet. We toured the Terror House, a former communist headquarters that is now a museum that shows the terrors of communism. There were different rooms dedicated to all different aspects of communism and the building, like double occupation, Soviet advisors, and reconstructed prison cells. The museum was very sobering.
I didn’t know exactly what to expect when I was preparing for my trip. Hungary isn’t as prevalent in our society as many other foreign countries. The first thing that struck me as we were going to our hotel was the architecture. The roofs and bricks of the houses were unique, and the huge, plain apartments were interesting. Janis explained to us that when the Soviets took over in the 1950s, they forced people to move from the countryside into the city in mass apartment buildings so that they could keep them under better control. The mass transit systems were amazing to me – I was used to seeing subways (and we might have used them more if they had all been working), but the trams that moved on the main street blew my mind! It amazed me that they were just in the middle of the street in between such heavy city traffic. Hungarians, once they meet you, are very friendly and helpful. All the people who lectured us were quite interested in having our feedback and making sure we were having a good time. One of them called a friend to help me get a tattoo! Zoltan, who showed us around RTL Klub, was so eager to come and visit with us more that night. Another reporter came along too and he invited some of us to his apartment. We drank wine and he showed us pictures from his war correspondence in Baghdad and told us many stories about his time there. He told us that the suicide rate for American soldiers is extremely high over there. He also told a story about an Iraqi man who was helping American soldiers who went home to find his entire family beheaded by insurgents. It was interesting to hear a side of the war from someone other than the US media. A girl that was with us, who is an avid FOX News watcher, definitely learned some things that night she had never known. He also showed us pictures from Zoltan’s bachelor party, where his friends dressed up as women and Zoltan had to go in and “pick them up.” It is clear that Hungarians are very big on tradition. We had a warm welcome from Janis’ students. They were all very willing to help us and talk to us about Hungary and America.
The thing that stuck out the most to me was the fact that Hungary has such a rich culture rooted in their language and traditions. It is a small country, but in a world of globalization and mix of cultures, Hungary has kept in touch with its history and customs. Hungarians are proud people, and they have a right to be. They have a beautiful country, a gorgeous capital city with breathtaking architecture and sights, and a deep love and respect for their culture, past and present.

Hungary: In Through the out door, An inside look at an outside world

2006-07-02T22:32:00.000-07:00

Hungary: In Through the out door, An inside look at an outside world

Eric Ethridge

For many citizens in the United States politics are difficult to understand. With our huge bureaucracy and constant debates, learning the science of American politics can be quite intimidating. Despite the confusion there is still a science, a method to the mayhem. If one is motivated the system is comprehendible by the average citizen. The same can not be said about the political system in Hungary. Political journalist Gabor Miklosi says it best “It’s crazy, it makes no sense.” Politics can not be polarized in Hungary. This makes it hard for anyone to even begin to predict the direction of the Hungarian government in the future. Leave all previous knowledge of politics at the door; you will not need it here. You are about to enter the twisted twilight zone of the Hungarian government.

After sitting through the first couple of hours of a Hungarian political lecture I felt as if I was drowning in a flood of contradicting information from what I had previously researched. Not that the sources of my readings were incorrect or not even that what I had written was wrong, but rather how I comprehended the terminology of my sources. I made the mistake of assuming certain variables meant the same in Hungary as they do in the United States. When I read the word liberal or conservative I associated it with the American liberal and the American conservative. I soon found that the political definitions were not as universal as I had once assumed. Did our plane crash on the political Planet of the Apes? Or was I just that naïve to the difference in theory of another country’s political structure? One thing was for sure I was not in Ar-Kansas anymore.

Fortunately I am not alone in this mass confusion, even some of the political journalists who study and report on politics in Hungary admit that they are often confused by Hungarian politics. A lot like the Hungarian language, the politics are hard to understand and you won’t find a structure like it in any other country. I was very surprised to find that the ruling socialist party, which is considered the liberal party, is more about free and open markets than the conservative party. Of course I did not take into consideration the difference of sophistication of how far along America has become with trade compared to Hungary’s new found open market. It is also interesting to note that social issues do not play a major role in the politics as they do in America. According to Gabor Miklosi, a political journalist for the weekly paper Magyar Narancs, social issues like abortion and gay marriage do not matter like they do in American politics. This may be because only about 25 percent of Hungarians actually practice religion. Miklosi notes however that the Catholic Church has been giving more and more support to the conservative Fidez party each election. He predicts that in the future when parties become more organized social issues will have more of an impact on politics in Hungary and even though the media and the public are not as interested or critical of politicians’ private lives, as political figures begin to take strong stances on moral issues their own actions will inevitably be questioned. Even though there are obvious differences between liberals and conservatives here than there, there are also similarities. For example like in the United States the liberal party is more for the separation of church and state where the conservative party is less aggressive in separating the two.

The role the media plays in their independence of reporting and questioning the acts of their leaders may be the most important factor in the democratic progression of Hungary’s society. From what I have seen, read, and heard from the people that work in the media in Hungary, the media scene is far from independent. Many Hungarian journalists will openly admit that the publication they work for is strictly subjective rather than objective. Gabor Miklosi claims that he is one of the few political Hungarian journalists that do not comply with politicians’ requests to review stories that involve their interviews before they are printed. He says this is bad because the political figures will add things to a story when they review it and it would be things that would cause for a follow up question in a live interview. Hungarian journalist Peter Bajomi-Lazar says the most dominant model for the media in Hungary is the cause promoting partisan journalism model. In this model information is used to promote a certain cause. The entire news is editorialized. Even though this way of reporting is not very independent it is still a step up from Hungary’s previous style of reporting during the reign of communism which was the Leminist Model. In this model engagement was more important than objectivity. Loyalty to the government was far more important than professional skills. Most journalists were used as propaganda puppets for the government ran television station MTV. It seems to me the only difference in the two forms of journalism is that there are more parties controlling papers instead of just one. According to a survey done by sociologist Maria Vasarhelyi reporters are facing even more pressures from politicians now than they were when communism had just fallen. According to the survey 45 percent of journalist felt they had unlimited press freedom in 1992 compared to only 27 percent in 2000.

Lazar outlined fourteen shortcomings of the mass media in Hungary in his lecture to us. Among the complaints were that there was too much freelance journalism that had its own list of problems. He said it was a problem because they were paid by the page, instead of the quality. They were not protected by any union and had no code of ethics. He also said that almost all journalists are underpaid and do not make enough money to live. This caused powerful people to persuade journalists by giving gifts. Hungarian media sources also do not have enough money or time to pay investigative journalists. He complains that journalists are also under staffed and have to do all their research on their own because of the lack of databases. He concluded by saying that journalists and the news media in Hungary have no prestige or respect and most citizens view the media as a negative force on society. Even though most the speakers that lectured to us had many complaints about Hungary’s current media condition, none of them offered any kind of solutions that could solve the problem in the future.

With such an unorganized loose party and media structure it is hard to predict the direction in which the Hungarian government will lead its people. As time goes by however I believe the two dominant parties will become more polarizing. The smaller parties that currently support minorities and small interest groups will either merge with one of the two dominant parties or die completely. Even though this may not be the best for democracy I believe it is inevitable as Hungary becomes more of a capitalist nation. Like America the voices of the smaller groups will not be heard unless one of the larger parties brings it up for purposes of political gain. Voters will be forced to choose between the better of two evils which will eventually lead to lower voter turnouts and a sense of helplessness when it comes to deciding who leads their country. It is also very interesting to acknowledge the mixed opinions on whether or not the planned economy or an open market is most favorable among Hungarians. It almost becomes a debate of necessity versus variety. The American way or choice and variety are very evident in Hungary’s new market. A McDonalds, Burger King, or Subway is on almost every street. With American music, movies, and celebrities flooding the television, magazines, and radio stations it would seem that Hungarians are heavily embracing the ideas of a free market. On the flip side however many are beginning to see the negative aspects of capitalism with the growing gap between the rich and the poor. The real questions are will necessities such as government paid healthcare, welfare, and worker benefits take a back seat to the new flood of entertainment and “stuff”. And will the public eventually lose so much interest in the media that it will eventually become more objective?

Can the Roma perspective be changed?

2006-07-02T20:20:00.000-07:00

Tonya Domokos

In my first submitted paper the conclusion began with ‘It looks like the future of the Roma population is finally going to change for the better,’ that sentiment is only true when you speak to certain people. If you are talking to a Roma businessman such as Tivadar Fatyol, managing director of Radio C, the future doesn’t look much bright than it has in the last ten to fifteen years. But if you are speaking to someone who is only looking in from the outside such as Gergely Romsics, who firmly believes the Hungarian entrance into the European Union, EU, will be a godsend for the Roma people.

“This will finally give the Roma people a foothold legally for issues that have been getting nowhere,” Romsics stated when asked if joining the EU was a step in the right direction for the Roma or if this would just be another let down for this browbeaten population?

“Human rights, democracy and the rule of law are core values of the European Union. Embedded in its founding treaty, they have been reinforced by the adoption of a Charter of Fundamental Rights. Respect for human rights is a prerequisite for countries seeking to join the Union and a precondition for countries who have concluded trade and other agreements with it,” according to http://europa.eu/pol/rights/index_en.htm, a website designed to help explain the European Unions mission and goals.

Countries that do not have in place or plans to have in place programs to help minority groups can be denied entrance into the EU or can be fined.
As a student, sitting in the Center for Independent Journalism, a school designed to help educate and employ Roma journalist, I was informed of the qualifications a country has to have to join the EU, I began to form the opinion that just maybe there was a glimmer of hope for the Roma population. Romsics went on with his lecture and even reinforced the belief that the battle that the Roma have been fighting for centuries was about to turn in their favor.
I began to feel some of the despair I had for how the Roma population is presently treated beginning to lift. I couldn’t wait to talk to my instructor Janis Overlock and her husband Alfonz Zsiga. Zsiga was managing director of a Radio C from September 2004-January 2006. But my cloud of optimism was burst as they told me the reality of how politics work. Their opinion was echoed by Tivadar Fatyol, as we visited Radio C.

Radio C, C for Cigany, the Hungarian for "Gypsy" is a radio station designated for the Roma people.

In a press release former station manager Gyorgy Kerenyi calls the existence of Radio C "a very big step in the emancipation of the Roma," critics brand the station a lost opportunity: an unprofessional mess that perpetuates negative stereotypes.

"Radio C is not brave enough to give a voice to the Roma community," said Jeno Zsigo, the leader of the Hungarian Roma Parliament, an organization that provides legal aid to Roma and arranges cultural events, in the Mass Media for a Minority article written by Doug Merlino in 2002.
Zsigo also stated he believed the station was a catastrophe and it reinforced the stereotype of Roma’s being criminals. He came to this opinion because of listening to the station one day and most of the request he heard were for relatives on certain streets. He claims that all of Hungary knows this refers to prisons because they are usually mentioned by the street they are on.

But while Zsigo may have this opinion of Radio C and what it can do for the Roma community one man would stand to differ. Alfonz Zsiga speaks passionately of the trial and tribulations the station has endured just to stay on the air. Zsiga is preparing to make a move to Texas in the near future but the weariness of a battle he can’t leave behind weighs heavy on his heart.
“We need a Martin Luther King,” Zsiga said about having a united voice for the Roma people. “Right now everyone is fighting for their own concerns. You may have one Roma group here fighting for education and one there fighting for equal housing rights. But as a unified voice it hasn’t happened yet.”
For those who worked at Radio C with Zsiga they speak of him as if he was a Martin Luther King of his time. But Zsiga humbly shakes his head he is just a man who loves his people and is deeply hurt by the injustices and prejudices they must face on a daily bases. He finds leaving his post at Radio C at one of the most difficult decisions he has had to make. But he is far from leaving his post as a solider in this fight. “I know many people outside of Hungary who might be able to help unify the Roma voice”, Zsiga said with a quite confidence and I am left wondering if maybe I might be standing in the presence of a Meger Evans or a Martin Luther King.
But in the meantime the injustices continue as we can see from this newspaper article released June 29, 2006:

International organizations call for halt to planned eviction wave
in Bulgaria 29 June, 2006, Budapest, Geneva, Sofia: The Sofia Municipality in the Vazrazhdane district has announced that on 30 June 2006 it will forcibly evict Roma families from the Batalova vodenitza neighbourhood, also known as NPZ Sredetz. Many of the families have lived in this neighborhood for almost a century and are now threatened with homelessness, as the Municipality has not offered compensation or resettlement.

Furthermore, in May 2006, vice-mayor of the Sofia City Council, Tsvetan Tsvetanov announced that all ‘illegal’ Roma settlements would be ‘liquidated’ and gave the mayors of Sofia municipalities 20 days to draw up a list of such settlements.

International human rights organizations, the Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE) and The European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC), have called for a halt to the planned eviction wave of Roma in Sofia in a letter addressed to the President of Bulgaria.

COHRE Executive Director, Jean du Plessis, condemned the announcement saying, “No details were provided on the new strategy and there was no guarantee that the human rights of Roma would be respected. When a similar announcement was made in August last year, it led to devastating consequences for 24 Romani families in the Hristo Botev neighborhood of Sofia: they lost their homes and were not provided with any resettlement.”

The Batalova vodenitza neighborhood now faces a similar fate. The families, due to be evicted tomorrow, are only entitled to one-time support in the amount of BGN 275 (approximately Euro 130). They have now filed a case with the European Court of Human Rights. (Malcolm Langford, Centre on Housing Rights & Evictions, +49 163 820 1133, mail=malcolm@cohre.org)
The housing situation of the Roma people is very acute and needs immediate attention, according to a study conducted by UNDP and the World Bank.
Many of the housing problems have been linked to the actual legal rights of the land the Roma occupy, insecure occupation of the apartments and poor building quality of the housing.
The 2002 Quality of Life study shows that many Roma families do not have basic sanitary facilities in their homes. Many Roma households are twice the size of non-Roma households. The average Roma home has 5-6 persons while the non-Roma has 2-3 persons but the total surface of a Roma home is twice as small.
The study reports the non-ethnic approach when building housing policies included the severe exclusion of the Roma people as well as many of the other people who suffered during the transition years. There is a big danger, at all levels of decision making, European, national, regional and locally, to exacerbate the spatial segregation of Roma settlements considering that housing for Roma is a separate issue and not part of the general housing policy.

To an outsider from a country who has had their own share of discriminations and prejudice I found some of the condition we were being told about astonishing but believable. I was only a small girl when segregation began but the memory is vivid in my mind. I was transported 60 miles from my home to an all black school while some of their students were transferred to our school. I was a small white girl in a class full of angry black students who wanted me there as much I wanted to be there. But being a Navy brat I was used to being the new girl and I was not taught to be prejudice so I made friends quickly. If only life could be so simple.

Many of the Roma youth would just like the hatred, a hatred they can’t even completely remember how it began, to go away. While many others remember distinctly when the hatred started and how long it has been going on. Fighting for rights, basic rights, is not just a cause but a way of life.

Many more remember, than want to forget, many remember Empress Maria Theresa and her four great decrees which began with the Age of Englightened Absolution.
The Age of Enlightened Absolutism was characterized by essential changes in the sovereign policies toward the "gypsies". In the face of the complete failure of all attempts to banish them permanently from their dominion, the sovereigns of the Enlightenment were searching for new methods and ways to solve the "gypsy problem" from the second half of the 18th century. Therefore, assimilation by decree of the state was added to the methods of expulsion and persecution of the Roma that have been practiced to this day.

Measures forcing the Roma to give up their ways of life were taken, to do away with an "uncontrollable nuisance" and to transform so called "unproductive" parts of the population into "respectable, obedient and diligent people". It was their most important goal to keep the Roma from wandering about and to make the "roving and vagabond gypsies" settle down permanently. The coercion to live rural lives or to learn civic trades, and the destruction of their cultural identity, was supposed to lead to assimilation into society.
The primary motives behind the enforcement of assimilation at that time undoubtedly were the aspiration of the centralised state to control its subjects, and integrated Roma into the existing economic system. But the religious beliefs of a few sovereigns also played a role. They saw an honorable duty in the "civilisation" of the "gypsies", quasi Christian response to enforce their "re-education" into becoming "good Christians".

The policies of assimilation during that time were based on the way the Enlightenment viewed human beings: the individual was regarded as "capable of learning and improving". At the same time, the measures that were taken to assimilate the Roma rested upon the assumption that their culture was inferior on principle. The physical extermination of the "gypsies" was replaced by the destruction of their culture and traditional ways of life. Only in comparison to the brutal persecution of former eras could this new way of dealing with the Roma be possibly seem as progressive. Moreover, the methods applied in "civilising" the Roma - such as taking away their children - were in many cases more brutal and inhumane.
Very early attempts by the state to assimilate the Roma can be found in Spain. As early as in 1619 the authorities wanted to force the wandering Roma to settle and contain themselves, and used methods of assimilation such as forbidding the use of Romani (1633), separating parents and children and committing the children to orphanages, and sending men and women to separate workhouses from 1686 to 1725.
Maria Theresa, the Empress of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, set an example with her policies of assimilation that influenced many other sovereigns. Striving to make the Roma settle down as “new citizens” or "new farmers", she issued altogether four great decrees during her fourty year reign from 1740-1780. By means of these decrees the Roma would be forced to give up their ways of life.

Decree 1: (1758) forced the "gypsies" to settle. They were denied the right to own horses and wagons in order to keep them from "nomadising". The Roma were issued land and seeds and became liable to pay tribute from their crops just like the other subjects of the crown. They were supposed to build houses and had to ask for permission and state an exact purpose if they wanted to leave their villages.

Decree 2: (1761) the term "Zigani", which was commonly used for the Roma at that time, was replaced by the terms new citizen, new farmer, new Hungarian or new settler. They were supposed to give up their old ways of life. Their old name. This would supposedly accelerate the process of integration. "Gypsy boys" would learn a trade or be recruited for military service at the age of sixteen if they were fit for service.

Decree 3: (1767) Maria Theresa had the jurisdiction withdrawn from the Voivods, a military force, and all "gypsies" became subject to the local jurisdiction. At the same time, they were ordered to register and - based on this registration - conscriptions were carried out for the first time.

Decree 4:(1773) prohibited marriages between Roma. Mixed marriages were encouraged by subsidies. The permission to get married, however, was bound to an attestation of "a proper way of life and knowledge of the Catholic religious doctrine". Since the Empress and her counselors were of the opinion that the "civilization" of the "gypsies” was the basis for a successful "domiciliation", she ordered that all children over the age of five should be taken away from their parents and be handed over to a Hungarian farmer’s family who were supposed to take charge of their Christian upbringing against payment. The children should grow up isolated from their own parents in different areas, go to school and later learn a trade or become farmers.
Although Maria Theresa’s successor and son, Josef II released the Roma of Buchowina that had been living in bondage, he continued the policies of assimilation started by his mother.
Issued in 1783, the guide lines ""de Domiciliatione et Regulatione Zingarorum" enforced assimilation even more rigorously. Not only were more restrictions - such as the compulsory adoption of the clothing and the language of the village people - imposed on the Roma, but they were also threatened with harsh punishment for offences against these restrictions.

For the use of the "gypsy language", for example, the law provided a flogging with 24 blows. Despite the sanctions ordered in case of offences, the coercive measures imposed by Maria Theresa and Joseph II were effective only to a certain degree. They only succeeded permanently in what is known as Burgenland today, where the Roma actually settled down and have stayed up to the present. A large number of Roma were successfully assimilated there: frequently children did not return to their own parents, stayed on the farms of their foster parents or learned a trade and married into a non-Roma-family.

In a few towns the Roma assimilated completely into the village population. The process of assimilation is mirrored in the disappearance of the formerly family names in the population of the "gypsies".
In other territories of the monarchy, however, the Roma offered resistance against the way of life ordered by the state; they evaded the harsh compulsory measures and took to the road again. The state at this time lacked the necessary human resources to translate the regulations into action or to return the Roma that had escaped.

The liberal Spanish King Karl III, Carlos Tercero tried to "civilize" the "gitanos" in the same year, 1783, as Joseph II. In the 44 articles of his "pragmatica" he prohibited their wandering, the use of their language, el caló, their typical clothing, and the horse trade as well as other itinerant trades. The King wanted the "gitanos" to settle down at a place of their choice and to practice "proper" trades. There was one problem with what the king wanted and what the rest of the people wanted. Because the Roma were also rejected by the rest of the population - towns and their citizens refused to take the Roma in and employ them. The "gitanos" continued practicing their itinerant trades but under even more difficult and impoverished circumstances. (Romani World)
Others like Dusan Jovanocic may remember how being labeled as a gypsy meant being labeled as a beggar, rapist, thieves or even vampires. Jovanocic unfortunately won’t be able to express his opinion of the EU because he along with a pregnant woman were beaten to death just for being a Roma. That occurred in 1997, not so long ago.
Many of the older generation will remember the Holocaust and how many Rom where deported along with the Jews. They were placed in concentration camps, beaten and murdered.

One would think in a country that was oppressed by so many tolerance would be a way of life. But I guess everyone needs someone to hate, because tolerance for the Roma people is not easily found in Hungary. But hatred and mistrust still run rapid.
Are the Roma waiting for an up rise? Tibor Olah, 26, stated, “Maybe it is our own fault we are not organized. We should organize to fight for our rights.”
For centuries Roma have been persecuted by the Europeans, they have been tortured and their families separated. But they continue to prevail through sweat, blood and many tears. There is an old Roma saying that goes like this: “Bury me standing: all my life I’ve been forced to kneel”.

Today’s generation of Roma may be making headway but there is still a daily oppression that weighs on them, “The looks of suspicion when a Roma enters the room are something I’ll have to live and deal with for the rest of my life,” 20-year-old Monika said. Monika along with Alfonz are just a few of the many Roma who are determined not let the hatred and prejudice stop them from achieving their dreams. Monika believes human rights are something no person, culture or race should be denied.

So in conclusion what is the answer to the question can the Roma perspective be changed? The answer is one I can’t give but I can give an opinion. I believe as Alfonz, Monika and many others believe, if the Roma do not join together as a unified voice they will never be heard.
A lot of small voices mingled together sound like chaos but one united voice can be heard over the mountains.

Lessons Learned

2006-07-01T22:52:00.000-07:00

Jason Price
International Field Study in Journalism
2 July 2006

I walk through the door a little unsure of what to expect. Journalism, the media, Hungary, it is all still new, a little foreign, and this guy, Zoltan, who exactly is he. The final question is the reason I came, and I have high hopes that the next couple of hours will help clarify the blurry picture which is still forming in my mind.
The beer and half-smoked cigarette tell me that I am late. I don’t wear a watch, so maybe I am. We shake hands, his smile says he is enthusiastic about sharing a little about himself. There is rumour going around that the man is a little proud of himself, time will tell.
“Have you been waiting long?” I ask.
The answer is not an answer; it is a statement. “I have just driven three hours. What a long trip, huh. Do you want a beer?”
Okay. Well, at least he seems to be in good spirits; in fact, it seems unlikely that this man is not always excited about something. I decide to try and tap into his enthusiasm, hoping to infuse the interview with his passion.
“Ya, I’ll have one. Can you give me a light?”
“Of course,” he answers holding the flaming lighter to the end of my cigarette.
I take a moment to gather a sense of who this man is. My beer arrives.
“So, where do you want to begin,” he asks.
“As far back as you think is relevant. As far back as you don’t mind sharing.” I am one of those people who believe that present circumstances are the result of a lifetime of circumstances and experiences.
His sly smile tells me that I have just scored a confidence point in his eyes. He starts by telling me about his grandfather. Yes, I am in for a good story.
“My grandfather was a womanizer,” he proclaims without a hint of disdain. “He was a handsome and charming man, great charisma. I like to think that I inherited some of his charm, though, of course now that I am married, I don’t condone carousing around with other women. But, a young handsome man?” Yes, he has had his days.
“My parents were born into Italian and Jewish families of old nobility.” I learn that the Second World War and the ‘56 Revolution deprived them of their former wealth, leaving a proud name but precious little else. “They gave me all they could, and I was thankful for it. My grandmother taught me a great deal. There was a hired woman whose job it was to sit and talk with my grandmother, but I talked to her more than my grandmother did, I think. But, this helped to improve my vocabulary and broaden my horizons at an early age, so looking back on it, it was a good thing.”
“I was quiet as a child, which perhaps explains why my grandmother insisted on my speaking with her and her hired friend. Very introverted. That is how you say, right?”
“Yes, it’s good.”
“Well, eventually I took an interest in acting. I had some good success early on, landing several movie roles. This was quite an experience for me, and I had some pretty decent money too. But, being only fifteen, and on account of my genes.”—remember the grandfather—“I had quite an adventure with my newfound fame. There was this belly dancer, you see.”—Is he serious? A belly dancer? —“Well, I was in love, so I took off with her. Three weeks later, though, I was broke and she was gone.”
He his laughing, which is good because I can’t help but laugh, myself.
“After that I came back home. I had received a scholarship for a boy’s preparatory school in Petersburg, England. Unfortunately for them, I wasn’t really interested in school. I think I broke every rule they had there,” he says through the laughter. “It was one scandal after another. I was busted for smoking in the bathrooms, drinking on the campus, and finding ways into the nearby girl’s school. They didn’t know what to think, but I loved it.” His eyes shine, as he recalls the many ‘lessons’ he conducted for the good English boys there.
Despite his reputation, he managed to become accepted to a university, achieving a degree in English. While there, he also studied psychology and philosophy. Does this surprise anyone?
“Those were really interesting classes,” he remarks. My mind has already formed a picture of the poor psychology professor stuck with this eccentric mind.
“After graduating, I received an invitation for an internship from a Hungarian paper. It was the funniest thing, though. At this paper, all the guys were older, experienced journalists, and here I was, fresh out of school, and in less than a year I was made the editor.”
“I started out doing these emergency room reports.” He is starting to get serious. “It was crazy stuff. I established connections at all the hospital emergency rooms, and they would call me when anything came in. I wrote lots of stories during that time.”
These stories grabbed his superiors’ attention, and his writing abilities landed him a promotion to the cultural section of the paper.
“That was no good for me.”
Next they sent him to cover the economic and market related reports.
“That one was even worse.”
Despite his dissatisfaction with the reporting assignments, his writing and reporting abilities had so impressed his superiors that he was given the job as the chief editor, “which meant I was now those guys’ boss. It was crazy, but they were just stuck in the old way of doing things and I had ideas.”
“But, I didn’t really want to be an editor, I wanted to be out there, getting the stories.”
This is not so difficult to imagine. A party boy, fresh out of the university, suddenly put in charge of a bunch of ‘experienced’ journalists? I could sense that we were getting close to it, the moment, the event, which had sent him on the globe-hopping reporting odyssey that I had heard so much about.
“This was during the time when things were really hot in the Balkans. They wanted someone to go to Sarajevo and report on the war. No one really wanted to go, so I volunteered.”
I stopped to wonder if he really understood what he was volunteering for. After all, he had only been out of the university party-boy atmosphere for about a year’s time, during which time he had come to work as an editor of a small-time newspaper. Civil war and genocide were a far cry from even the worst emergency room story he could have possibly come across. But, I immediately appreciated the courage that it took to volunteer for that assignment.
“Sarajevo was one of those pivotal events in life. I was never the same.” His expression is calm, but serious. “I stayed in the Holiday Inn, you know, the one on ‘Sniper Alley.’ People were getting shot all the time. All the big media people were there, they had so much equipment, it was incredible. I had to take whatever was left over which meant that my room actually faced ‘Sniper Alley.’ I kept the shades closed and the light off all the time. It was so crazy, but I realized that I was actually enjoying it. But, not in some sick, perverted or detached way. People were dying, hell, they were being murdered by the thousands. All my naivety was gone; this was a real war, not something out of a movie, but real. And the genocide, that was real, too.”
As his words are soaking into my conscience, their spell is broken. Our conversation, our personal space, my interview! has just been interrupted. Some busy lady has placed three empty wine glasses in the midst of our intimate arrangement.
“Who is she?” he asks with a questioning smile.
“No idea really.” I am still in Sarajevo, trying to imagine what must have been like. “No, wait. I know who she is, generally speaking at least. Actually, you’ll like this, she is a wine journalist, and she is putting on a wine tasting tonight.”
“Really, a wine journalist?” The smile grows, and mischief shines in his eyes. “I bet they have some stories to tell,” he mocks. “‘Remember that tasting back in whenever? Wow that was a time wasn’t it?’”
We are both laughing, when the lady returns with an open bottle.
“You cannot smoke during a wine tasting,” she says matter-of-factly. “It ruins the flavour.”
Again we both laugh.
“And you can’t drink beer, either.”
Is this lady serious? Who invited her over anyway?
“Do you know how that wine got its name?” he asks her as she pours into the first of our three glasses.
She stumbles around something about a story, but no, she really doesn’t know where the name came from. His eyes grow twice their size. A wine journalist—a Hungarian wine journalist, no less—who doesn’t know the story of how this Hungarian wine was named? This is too good to pass up.
“It was named for a boy. The man who created the wine was looking for a name, and he was out walking on the street when he saw this beautiful boy. He asked him what his name was, and decided that he would name his wine after the boy. How can you be a wine journalist and not know that story?” He is rolling in animated laughter.
“I knew it was some kind of story,” the ‘wine journalist’ offers, as she sheepishly walks away, ignoring our laughter.
“That must be some job,” he comments, ignoring the red liquid she left behind in his glass.
The wine tasting is in full swing by this time and I can hear the lady offering her expertise to the more receptive audience a few tables down.
“Just let me know if you want to stop,” I offer. I am hoping he will want to continue, though, as the story has finally become really interesting
“No, let’s continue,” he says, finishing off the last of his beer. “Like I said, Sarajevo was a turning point for me. The excitement, the danger, it all made me feel alive, so alive. I wanted to do more. And the good thing is that I could.”
His work had again been recognized, with the quality of his writing catching the attention of his superiors. He was given more options and choices of jobs, ending up in Belgium, covering the European Union. The EU assignment proved much more tame than Sarajevo had been.
“It was boring. This same little man came up to give these reports, and had the worst voice. All I wanted to do was leave.”
By this time he had begun to be bored with his work. Still doing print media, he began developing techniques which were to eventually prove invaluable to his future career in broadcast media. He attended the EU press conferences, but took no notes, relying instead on his memory and his ability to bluff.
“I became really good at bluffing. I could go to one of that boring little man’s press briefings and write a good sounding report on it days later. I really didn’t care at the time, I wanted to be transferred somewhere else. Of course, that was before.”
Before? Before what? What could have possibly happened in Belgium, in the EU no less, which could capture this man’s attention?
“The little man retired, right? Well, he was replaced by this beautiful woman. I mean, she was beautiful.”
He is laughing now. I remember his grandfather. He gives me that knowing look.
“I told my boss that I didn’t to leave anymore. They couldn’t believe and I didn’t tell them why.”
What followed was a time of learning. He describes the boredom of most of his work, the desire to branch out into different media sources. He did some radio reporting, though mostly just for fun. Of course, she was there, but that excitement could only last so long.
“I was still working hard, though, covering stories well. In fact, I discovered and reported on the wine ‘dying’ scandal. That was a big story then, and it got me a lot of attention. In fact that was how I met Janis.”
Janis Overlock. This name has come be synonymous with life-altering change, with the introduction of opportunity. I am eager to hear more evidence of this woman’s remarkable work.
“She helped me go to school in North Carolina. It was the most influential year of my life. The people were wonderful. Have you ever been to Chapel Hill?”
“No, not yet.”
“It’s a small, little town. There is the school and that’s about it. And the culture, wow, was that different. Those people must have thought I was a pimp when I first arrived there. One of my professors had invited me to a social gathering, so I dressed real nice to make a good impression—nice slacks and shirt, a sport coat, maybe a tie, but I can’t remember—and when I arrived everyone was wearing shorts and flip flops. It was funny, but they took it well.”
In between the arrival of the next round of beers, and another return of the already forgotten wine journalist, I heard story after story of how this man had adapted to US culture while at the same time leaving his own indelible mark on the little town of Chapel Hill.
“Did I tell you that I worked as a bartender during school?”
“Really?” I am not at all surprised.
“Oh Yeah. Everyone loved my drinks. I made them the best.”
So what about the school, I am wondering, what made it so good.
“The best the thing about the school was the professors. They were good, teaching me to ask why. That is the most important thing a journalist can do. You have to remember that that is not what journalists in Hungary are taught to do. You’re not supposed to ask why. But that’s the most important thing, that’s what I’ve done ever since.”
Now this is why I am here. Not in Hungary—that was an opportunity—but here, sitting at a picnic table, watching the rain fall, listening to this man, learning what good journalism is all about, that is why I am here. The lesson continues.
“My professors also encouraged me to think outside the box, which was good, since I had a natural tendency to do this anyway. It was during this time that I was able to make the transition into broadcast media. I knew that this was going to be the key to an enjoyable and successful career. Of course, it almost didn’t happen.”
“What do you mean?”
“Well, there was this girl in New York; she wanted to get married, I thought about trying to work in the US, but thankfully I decided not to stay. She was upset, but what can I say.”
“Yeah, I understand,” I tell him, but, the truth is, I really don’t. My grandfather was not a womanizer, I guess I did not inherit the genes. “So what happened when you came back to Hungary?” I ask, steering the conversation back to the more important lessons this man has to offer.
“When I came back, I started doing crisis correspondence. And was that a wake up call! I went everywhere: three civil wars in Africa, the war against the Taliban in Afghanistan, an uprising in Prague, an uprising of miners in Romania, an earthquake in Turkey, not to mention hurricanes, tornadoes, and other earthquakes all over the world. I was travelling all the time, living in different circumstances, meeting all sorts of people.”
“Which events stand out the most in your mind?”
“Oh, there are so many.” He takes a moment to contemplate, sorting through a lifetime of stories compressed into a few years time. “Israel was a good one,” he begins. “I love the middle east, I mean, in Jerusalem you can walk where Christ did, there is nothing like it. I was sent down there to do a story for ten days, but I stayed for weeks. I would walk through the old city in the evening, just listening, feeling. There was something in the air, something you could taste and feel.”
I find myself spellbound, no longer recording notes, just memories. This guy has done what I want to do, he has been there, and he recognized it.
“The Israeli and Palestinian governments both gave me permission to travel throughout the area. I went everywhere.” He pauses to reflect for a minute, puts out his cigarette and resumes.
“You know what else, I saw? Heroes. Those soldiers there were heroes. I mean, when you look at what they had to go thru, being shot at or blown up, and still they did it. Every war I’ve covered I’ve seen pretty much the same thing. The soldiers have a comradery, a brotherhood, they look out for each like they were all brothers. I like that, and I learned to respect the job they are asked to do. Everything is different when you’re actually there, most people just don’t understand. They just don’t know.”
Our conversation deviates as we attempt to best state the special relationship which exists among soldiers. Several quotes and movie titles later, I see that we both agree on how strangely blessed soldiers are for the relationships have, often complete strangers, who in the space of a short time learn to trust each other with their lives, who sacrifice their own lives so their brothers in arms will live, relationships that few people ever know. I grow to respect this man more with each new story, the warnings of his pride disappearing behind the fact of his confidence.
“So what was it like in Afghanistan?”
“Afghanistan?” Again a smile spreads across his face. “That was an interesting experience. Really though, Afghanistan was more frustrating than anything. By this time I had become part of the small ‘tribe’ of foreign journalists; I had become good friends with Nick Robertson, and so I knew most everyone who was there. We were pretty much shut up inside the US base, they wouldn’t let us out much, so we would sit around being hot, thirsty, dirty, and really bored. Reports would come in ever so often, and would walk just outside the camp to do our broadcasts. Sure there were some attacks and intense moments, but nothing like say, Uzbekistan was, or Sarajevo. The US soldiers kept a close eye on us. It was really hard to get around anyway. The country was in chaos and nothing worked. Sometimes they had a hard time getting supplies to the camp. We were always short on water. That was the source of one of my craziest stunts there, in fact. I hadn’t had a shower in days, and we only had water for drinking, so I decided one day that I had had enough, and that I was going to take a shower. So I took a jug of drinking water and walked outside the camp and started taking a shower right there in the desert.”
“Are you serious,” I ask, rolling with incredulous laughter.
“Oh yes, they thought that I had lost it, gone crazy in the heat or something. It was so funny, but I felt better afterwards, I can tell you that.”
“Yeah, Afghanistan was nothing like Uzbekistan. I almost had exclusive coverage in Uzbekistan, whereas in Afghanistan, there were lots of reporters, and everyone got the same news, so there wasn’t really anything too original to report.”
He makes a good point that I had never stopped to consider, even journalists are affected by the presence of today’s global 24/7 news reporting, where major networks send out massive, well-equipped reporting teams, who cover a story for an audience at large. The days of a reporter wandering out with a camera man to find a story are silently disappearing into the irretrievable past.
“You mentioned that you did a story on the US/Mexican border. I just returned from Mexico City, where the border is a big issue, and I was hoping to hear what you had found there.” This should be good, I am thinking, the chance to get an objective opinion on subject that causes so much debate in the US and Mexico.
“That border is dangerous,” he says, surprising me a little.
“Really, you thought it was dangerous. Where were you at?”
“I crossed at Nogales, into Arizona with the ‘coyotes.’ I was caught by the sheriff, a really nice man, and put in jail. It was kinda crazy. There were 120 people in the cell, and things kinda got out of hand. They took me out of there and put me in an isolation cell which was almost worse. I sat thru the night wondering how everything was going to turn out, wondering if they were going to believe my story, and how long I might have to stay in this jail. The sheriff was a really nice man though, and they let me out the next day.”
He begins to laugh at the return of a memory. “They asked me if I wanted to be shot by a tazer. I didn’t really know what to say, but they told me it wouldn’t be too bad, so I said ‘okay.’ That was quite an experience, let me tell you. I hope to never be shot by a tazer again.”
“So what was your impression of the people. What did you think about the Mexicans who crossed the border?” Again these questions were aimed more at getting an outside opinion of the people crossing the border.
“Those Mexicans lived like animals,” he says without a hint of condescension. “They live in filth and work for nothing; their lives are terrible”
“I went to a safe house in Phoenix and stayed for several days. The guy who ran it was really nice; he had helped hundreds of illegal’s to find work and a place to stay. There are lots of places like his, mostly souvenir shops for some reason. But lots of the people who come thru there end up getting caught later on. The border between the US and Mexico needs to either be opened or closed.”
The time is passing too quickly, and he has already made a comment about getting home to his wife, so I decide to return the focus back towards journalism.
“What has been some of the highlights of your career? What moments stand out the most in your memory?”
“Well, there have been plenty, some funnier than others. I won the ‘Golden Panda’ award for my coverage of the US bombing of the Chinese embassy. That was kinda funny. Getting to be friends with many of the journalists was a nice experience too. As I have said, Nick Robertson is a great guy. In fact, making friends is really important in journalism. To be successful as a journalist you need to have good knowledge of what you’re covering and good contacts. Contacts can be everything. It’s also really good to have a routine, and don’t be afraid to start small. There will be plenty of long nights too, trying to put the story together. A good story usually takes about two weeks to get, and it can require a great deal of extracurricular type work too. I had to help pull bodies out of the ruble from the earthquake in Turkey in order to be allowed to do a report on the story there. That was kind of strange, but really it was good. I was helping out, making a difference by doing more than just reporting on a tragedy, I was helping the people who had experienced that tragedy.”
Now here is man who is out to make a difference, not just get a story. It is clear from the tone of his voice and the expression in eyes that helped, not just to so he could take pictures and get a story, he helped because he was there and he could help. I feel like am learning, not fundamentals of journalism, but what sort of person it takes to be a successful foreign correspondent; I am learning how to make a difference with your work.
The wine journalist returns, only to leave—this time for good—with an air of disgust at the sight of our lit cigarettes, half-empty beers, and still untouched glasses of selected wines. She was stubborn, I have to give her credit for that. We are in a world of our own, anyway; I am a passenger on the Zoltan memory-lane express, and the train still has a few stations stop at before the ride is over.
“What else would you consider important for a foreign, especially a crisis, correspondent to know.” I want to extract as much information from this well of knowledge as I can.
“Trusting you instincts is really important, even when it seems wrong. This is true both for finding the good stories, and, perhaps even more importantly, for staying alive. When I was in Israel, riding along with the soldiers, they had given me a flack jacket to wear, but the thing was ridiculously heavy. It weighed something like 60 pounds, I think. And it was so hot there that I never wore the thing. Well one day we were moving thru a village, the soldiers were clearing house by house, and I got this feeling in my gut that I needed to put that jacket on. So, I stopped and put the thing on, and the next corner I walked around, there was guy sitting there with a rifle. Yeah, he shot me square in the chest. I couldn’t believe it. If I had ignored that voice, I would have been dead. Yes, you have to trust your instincts. That’s for sure.”
I had heard stories like this before—hell, I had experienced stuff like this before—but, wow, this was one for the record books. “Trust your instincts,” that I will remember.
“So far everything I have heard has been really good. What are the really hard stories, the ones you don’t like to remember?”
He stops for a minute, his expression becoming more sombre. He doesn’t seem offended, but I can tell he is carefully considering how to respond to this question. At last, he takes a long drag off his cigarette, crushes it out in the ashtray, and begins.
His gaze is distant, but steady. “I was in Sarajevo, it was when I was still young and didn’t really know what I was doing. There were three of us, me, a camera man, and our guide. He was from Italy originally, and he had been working with us for a few days. One night we were out too late, pass the curfew, and we were stopped by a Serbian patrol. Things turned bad real quick. They had us all out at gunpoint, our guide on his knees, threatening to shoot him. I was talking, talking too much really. Well this one guy had his gun pointed at our guide’s head, and I lost my cool and tried to stop him. The other soldiers grabbed me, pointing their guns at me, and then they shot him. In a moment, he was dead. The Serbians just loaded up and left.”
A quiet moment of thoughtful silence follows, as each of us reflects on the permanence of death that contrasts so sharply with its often unexpected appearance.
“I could have died that night.”
But he did not, a fact which is clearly not lost on his mind. He bears the expression of one who has seen death, smelt it in the air, and learned to accept it.
“I learned a hard lesson that night. I was naive; I still hadn’t really grasped the reality of war.”
“We had these little ceremonies after the war—all the journalists who had been there—and we would honour the ones who didn’t make it through. I have lost several friends over the years in places like that. When things were quieting down in the Balkans, we had one of these ceremonies in a place a couple of American reporters had set up. It was a small, rundown hole in the wall, stocked with illegal booze they had somehow managed to sneak in. American journalists always manage to have everything. So there we were, under the protection of the UN and US troops, drinking a toast to the men who had died, thankful that we had survived to tell the story.”
I am certain that there are more stories like this one, stories about the reality of war, disaster, and death, but the hour has grown late, and my time is up. After all, the man is married. I am actually surprised and thankful that I was able to get as much time with him as I did.
“Thank you so much for taking the time out to talk to me. This has been an enlightening experience. You have some wonderful stories to tell.”
“It’s been my pleasure. Maybe we can talk again before you leave.”
We make unofficial plans for another meeting on Sunday, but Fate has deemed that this should be our last meeting before I leave the country.
As I reflect back on it now, it was just as well, my mind and emotions were overloaded as it was, anything more and I may have done something drastic, like beg the man to let me stay and train under his tutelage. That would have been demeaning, I know.
You see, I went to Hungary on a chance, thinking that I might look and see what journalism was all about. Along the way, I discovered answers to questions that I had believed were without answers. I discovered a world like no other, and the strangest thing is, the world knew my name, and just like the mountains and the ocean, it has been calling me back ever since. The future is beyond my line of sight, and Fate works beyond any man’s understanding, but I have been shown a path, complete with a guide to help define the way; so here I am, now preparing to embark on a journey, preparing to see if I have the constitution to become a foreign correspondent.
Did I mention that I was quiet and introverted as a child?

Communism and Roma in Budapest Hungary

2006-06-29T18:41:00.000-07:00

Ernie Hilton
International Field Study
June 29, 2006

I didn’t know what to expect out of my international field study class in Budapest, Hungary before I left the U.S. I knew I wanted to find out about day to day life concerning Roma and their struggles. But I did not appraise the city’s evolution and history much. After my visit, my recollections draw more to its history than the Budapest I saw with my eyes. Something that dominates my impression is the shift from communism to democracy.

We have all heard the expression "either sink or swim". Because I had focused mainly on Roma before leaving, I had neglected to observe Hungary at a distance to see where it had come from to where it is now. I had no idea about how it really was to be a "Red" nation. Learning about communism in a class room is altogether different from learning about it in a place that has endured it. I hate politics and have distanced myself from them aggressively in the past. I live in a country where I have that right and choice. But to be present in a place whose government, up until sixteen years ago, micro managed just about every move of your life, gave me a slight feeling of a blanket of oppression wrapping my spirit. If I had not understood the oppression of communism there, I would have definitely "sank" in the course as far as understanding the whole of Hungary.

I learned in 1945 Budapest was taken by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The fighting from this left the city damaged and not cosmetically sound as it had been in the days of capital and free commerce. In 1956 there was a Hungarian rebellion started by Students at a local university who wanted more political liberties and for the Soviet troops stationed in Hungary to withdraw. The Hungarian army was called to control the situation, but ended up aiding in the revolt. After thirteen days of revolting, a heavy Soviet force of tanks and soldiers suppressed the cause by killing between twenty-five to fifty thousand Hungarians and forcing another two hundred thousand to flee. In the end, measures were taken to blanket another uprising.

In 1967, the strict controls that had been placed on Hungarians after the revolt had been relaxed. In 1968 Hungary became the most liberal of all Europe. The Socialist began looking to Hungary’s future by introducing the New Economic Mechanism (NEM). It’s goal was to increase efficiency and productivity, make Hungary more competitive in world markets, and, more importantly, help ensure political stability. After five years, the NEM appeared to be successful. However, the NEM would eventually fail because incentives did not motivate the largest state-owned enterprises, living standards decreased after ‘85, and Hungary was relinquishing the ideology of a state-regulated mixed economy, among other reasons (Gergely Romsics). There would be struggles, highlights, and splits in politics, the economy, and ideology among different groups. Some of those groups were the hardliners, pragmatists, and reformists. Basically, there becomes so much dissension in the government and elites, that by 1989 the Soviet empire collapses. The economy was the first collapse, and then political structures. Specific reasons for the collapse include (but not limited to):

* the country was coming face to face with western civilization through
trade, politics, etc.
* declining standards of living
* wide political discontent
* liberalization: relaxed government censorship laws, legalized right to
strike and demonstrate, etc.

In 1990, Hungary was liberated and held its first free legislative elections in forty-five years.

Ever since the lectures on Hungary’s transformation, I have been thinking about the necessary changes. The last time that Hungary practiced democracy was a whole generation ago, and even then it was for only three years (1945-1948). I think of John Q. Public who is told where to work, where to live, where to shop, when to shop, and what to buy for the longest time. And then all of a sudden, one day he is bombarded by all these choices he has to make because he is in charge of his life now. I also think of government and law officials who have to start merely from scratch on becoming a unified nation state. Yes, there were political parties and ideologies already in place, but the trial and error of eluding the total cloud of communism is something they are still dealing with to this day.

To show the severity of the hand of communism, my class toured the House of Terror in Budapest. It was a museum that housed the Hungarian Arrow Cross Party, who were the Hungarian Nazis. It’s address is 60 Andrássy Boulevard. The museum commemorates the victims of terror, but is also a reminder of the dreadful acts of terrorist dictatorship. Dubbed the "House of Loyalty", members of the Arrow Cross tortured and killed hundreds of people there. The basement is filled with jail cells, confinement closets, and torture rooms. I stepped into one confinement closet and the floor space was no more than four square feet. I imagined what a prisoner would do after standing for a extended length of time, so I kneeled down. My knees and back touched opposing walls simultaneously as I felt the sting from squatting in such a confined space take effect. The scary part: I am only 5'7". I could see how hours, maybe minutes of this could drive a person insane. I guess this is why they also had a padded cell a few doors down. There was also a confinement chamber that was about four foot tall and about four to five feet wide. I am uncertain about the depth. Upon entering it, I and another classmate had other classmates close the two inch thick heavy wooden door on us that made it so dark, that I could not see the hand in front of my face, let alone someone else in there. I imagined too much of this got you the padded cell also. There were four levels or floors to view horrid items and images. Televisions showed bodies upon bodies of dead Jews being shoved and scooted by a big powerful bulldozer into a pit like they were an extension of the dirt on which they laid. There were also tearful testimonies of those who were baffled by the Nazi invasion exclaiming things like "why did they have to kill our young ones." One of the floors devoted itself to an entire map of Europe with red points about two or three inches in diameter, each signifying the multiple Nazi headquarters. All throughout the museum were sheets of paper describing, one group in English and one in Hungarian, different aspects of the "House of Loyalty" or the Arrow Cross Party. I would like to give one as an illustration of the treatment of prisoners:

RECONSTRUCTED PRISON CELLS
The communist political police moved into the horrible headquarters of the Arrow Cross in January 1945. They changed the "House of Loyalty" as a warning to the "House of Horrors". They soon outgrew the building and its cellar. During the course of the following years they came to occupy the entire block, underneath which they constructed an interconnected subterranean labyrinth. Prisoners, who were dragged off to be interrogated, were blindfolded and isolated from each other.
Many of them seem to recall that the cellar of the building extended to several levels. When rebuilding the house, we found no indications of this. It is possible that there did exist at the time cells that were dug out on a lower level in various parts of the block.
Interrogations took place in upstairs rooms. Armed ÁVO-men stood guard before each room. Interrogations - in line with Soviet practice - were usually held at night. Suspects were prevented from sleeping for several nights, and in many cases were held without food and water. They employed every possible method of physical and psychological pressure on their victims. Facing the wall with their noses rammed against it, or with arms stretched out horizontally, sometimes for ten to twelve hours. Beatings with truncheons were everyday affairs, as well as "physical exercises"; some were tortured with electric current, burning cigarettes, pliers. Detainees were not permitted to change their underwear, nor to take a bath, their daily ablutions could last a mere thirty seconds; they were not allowed to use towels, soap, toilet paper, toothpaste, tooth brushes, handkerchiefs. Prisoners were kept in cells with a lightbulb shining day and night.
They weren’t given blankets, nor a change of clothing. Often they were not allowed to go to the toilet, nor were there any buckets in the cells. Prisoners had to lie on wet plank beds, or sometimes even on the bare floor. Sadistic warders beat the detainees at every opportunity with rifle butts and truncheons. They were fed once a day, their ration a cupful of bean soup with 150 grams of bread, altogether 490 calories a day (a grown adult needs 1500-2000 calories daily). Prosecutors, carefully chosen by the ÁVO, demanded exemplary punishments for the prisoners, already suffering from hunger, horrible cold, constant lack of sleep, as well as physical and psychological harassment. The judges, who also enjoyed the confidence of ÁVO, complied (They were always paid very well).
Those who survived the physical and psychological terror of the ÁVO, were locked into prisons administered by the ÁVO as well, where they could expect the same treatment. The prisoners’ hands and feet were bound like in the Middle Ages. Some of them were in chains with an 18 kg iron ball attached to their feet. They received hardly any medical treatment or medication. They were thrown into disciplinary confinement for the smallest mistake, or were horribly mistreated.

As strange as it may seem, there is a group of people that look on communism with a hint of nostalgia.

"Roma does not miss communism, but they miss the typical life of going to their job and earning money for their family like every body else," Alfonz Zsiga, former managing director of Roma radio station, Radio C said. "In communism, it was good in the fact that Roma had jobs and everybody was equal."

In Europe, political systems and different societies have developed strong negative stereotypes towards Roma, resulting in daily discrimination and frequent violence. In the mainstream media, Roma issues are mostly presented in an openly biased manner, if at all.

Discrimination started back in 1989 when political changes started taking place. As communism fell, it got worse for Roma who lost their jobs instantly. Hungarians felt because they had "authentic citizenship" and not a nomadic lifestyle like the Romani, they should first be entitled to the jobs and stature that the country had to offer. In reality the Roma are not nomadic at all, living together in patchwork communities.

"We can not get governmental support mainly because we are looked at as having no status," Zsiga said. "I think it is a mixture of the government not knowing what to do and not wanting to do anything."

The Roma life is a cruel cycle. There is hardly any education at all for children. The days they go to school are not even full days. The lack of a good education leads them to get only irregular work. And since it has become clear that the majority has no desire to give jobs to Roma, the minority must live in an environment where nobody works, where education is getting worse (T. István Kerékgyártó).

Zsiga links a bit of American history to identify the struggles that today’s Roma endure.

"Roma is similar to the African Americans earlier in American History with just the difference among them between the two countries. But still I think it’s much better for them in America as far as equality goes," Zsiga said.

He went on to say that Roma does not have a higher level of rights including laws that forbid discrimination.

One way Roma has countered the racism is through media. Roma media plays an important role in shaping the way Roma perceive themselves, their culture and traditions, their social and economic situation, discrimination, and their rights. It serves as a means of self-assertion for a whole people who have been brutally oppressed. It also provides an invaluable means for the preservation of Roma language and culture, while at the same time fostering communication within a larger circle of Roma communities striving for emancipation and inclusion as equal citizens. By supplying mainstream media with quality features related to Roma issues, they can influence mainstream media coverage and non-Roma society in a positive sense (http://www.rrommedia.net/).

Such is the case with Zsiga and Radio C, of which could be compared to a mountain climb just to get started.

"When we started, the station was already two hundred thousand dollars in debt and the broadcasts were at a level that could be compared with high school radio," Zsiga said. "I started with some political programming and went from there."

Zsiga said the station wants to teach those who live here about Roma because it is important for them. It gives them the Roma identity.
A typical broadcasting day at Radio C runs like this:

* Starts at 6 a.m. with typical morning radio involving politics and
music
* Cultural music and poetry
* Lunchtime music hour
* Classical gypsy music
* Request Programming
* Political programming with Roma and non-Roma topics
* Oldies with request programming and prize contests to win
* From 9 p.m. and afterwards is classical and jazz music included with a
music specialist that speaks on the selections

Zsiga said Radio C is better now than years ago because we are promoting the Roma agenda and answering the question of "who is a gypsy".

"If you do not know Roma, you can turn on the radio and learn all about it"

Lessons Learned in Hungary

2006-06-27T14:27:00.000-07:00

Lauren Ashlin

MY EXPERIENCE
Well, I have to say that we had an excellent trip. I feel like that if it wasn’t for this opportunity I would never have left the USA. I am a small town girl and I have to say very small town “minded”. I never even could have imagined all of the things that are outside of the country. The trip was in itself a life changing experience. I have to say the very first day I arrived and no one spoke English, we arrived at the hotel with no air conditioning and a tiny bathroom I thought to myself: “WHAT WAS I THINKING”. But as the week progressed and we got the hang of the tram and bus schedule and got into somewhat of a routine I felt much better. I could not have even imagined how much of a culture shock I was in for. On the very first night I remember driving through Budapest with Janis talking to us and giving us somewhat of a driving tour, and thinking how gorgeous the architecture was and that you would never see something that beautiful in the states. The hotel was definitely different from anything I had ever stayed in and I remember going from the feeling of I can not believe we are all the way out here in the middle of no where to this is all part of the great experience; walking, seeing the sights, and riding over the Danube every morning. How many people in this world have that gorgeous ride to work or school every day? The scenery and sightseeing was BEAUTIFUL! My favorite to places we visited was the Citadel and the Fisherman’s Bastian. The views from there were gorgeous like nothing I have ever witnessed. Even being home and looking through my pictures I am completely awe struck to think I have actually been there. I am very thankful for everyone who worked, raised money, planned, scheduled and led us in this adventure. This was a life changing experience and I just have to say thank you.

MY FAVORITES
My favorite place that we visited was the Television station. I definitely want to work in that kind of environment; busy, fast paced, meeting deadlines. I LOVE IT! The studio was awesome with all of the virtual sets, it makes me very excited to see what we can do and learn in the future in our Television Production classes to take with us on our life journey. The soap opera was really neat to see being filmed after hearing all of the people talking about how popular it is. I know I watch soaps all the time and never think about how much time and work are put into them and how detailed the set is. I think the best part of the whole thing was coming back to the hotel that night and actually seeing it playing in the hotel and thinking, “Hey I have been there and seen that.” I hate that I didn’t ever get a chance to interview the news caster I was hoping for.

CRUISE ON THE DANUBE
Another one of my favorite things was the cruise on the Danube. It was beautiful to see the whole town light up, and as cheesy as it may have been with the “Danube” narrating with the television in front of us showing us all of the sights and sounds of Budapest was really educational not to mention absolutely gorgeous. The videos and pictures that we have are going to last a life time.

TERROR HOUSE
The last thing that really stuck out in my mind was the terror house. I can not even begin to imagine how terrible it was for all of the Jewish people in the world then. I have seen Schindler’s List but nothing compares to being in the actual place where they tortured people and seeing video clips, the torture chambers, and all of the victim’s faces all over the walls. It is truly something I will never forget. I can still see the children’s faces in the video and hurting for them. The fact that man-kind was so terrible; that they could just push bodies out of the way with bulldozers is so sickening. I could never imagine being that evil with that much hate to hurt people like that. The way they put all that work into the building as a memorial to those people and to show everyone how awful it was in those times was truly inspirational. I feel like the Terror House in itself was a life changing experience. It definitely has a way of putting all of the things in life in perspective.

WHAT I LEARNED:
All of the speakers that we had at the CIJ were very good. After talking to the others we feel like the lesson of Media Law and Ethics, by Peter Bajomi-Lazar could have been a whole semester worth of information it was a lot to grasp onto but very educational. I learned that the fact of Freedom of the Press is not so much in Hungary. We learned that the government only supported papers who write good things about them and the controversial ones they dismissed. We learned that only few people publish anything about their leadership structure. The only thing permanent in Hungary was change and political independence was rare. There were three different journalism traditions; Leminist Model (soviet), Partisan/cause promoting (European), and the Naturally Objective (anglo-saxon). These three parties caused a low professional standard and practices. There are/were many shortcomings for free-lancers in Hungary at this time because if you are on your own you are not protected by collective contract, under paid (only being paid by page), they are not bound by rules, and they are over burdened. Peter also laid out a graph that I have never seen before but that is highly useful he laid it out in three parts; political orientation, impartial, and partisan. He said that the political functioned in the following way: represented values, covered reality, expressed plurality, had a strong relationship with government, played the role of journalist, and was the major contact. The impartial demonstrated the following; they had basic democratic values, expressed fairness, were very critical, acted as the public watchdog, and was all about fact not fiction. The partisan functioned more on; one particular ideology, they were very bias, with a very royal relationship, and are mostly opinion writers. Like most of the papers in Hungary they do not show both side of the story they will be extremely negative or extremely positive. There are three journalism prizes offered in Hungary at this time; Pulitzer Prize, Soma Award, and Accredited Journalism Association.

HUNGARIAN MEDIA
When I was reading all of the information about media in Hungary I was very suprised to see how many things began in Hungary and the influential people who came from Hungary; actors, screen writers, journalists, producers, etc. However, even though Hungary was a beginning place for most aspects of media I don't know why I was expecting the paper and news station to be small and run down. I guess that is just my small town mind playing tricks on me again. When I got there and saw how awesome the TV station was and large I was amazed. The only station I have been in the USA is CNN and I thought it was amazing, and when I walked in to the station in Hungary and WOW! I was really amazed to see a fully funtioning news station, filming soap operas, sitcoms everything. It really put things in perspective for me in my personal journey, and showed me that is the kind of enviornment I want to work in when I graduate.

MUOSZ
The MUOSZ was an interesting interview to say the least. The association is over 100 years old. I learned that there are over 15,000 journalists in Hungary and of that 15,000, 7,000 of them are in the MUOSZ. This group is a lobby of journalists a lot like a union. They try their best to avoid brutality to all Journalists. The journalists’ favorite quote of the day was “You can’t change a regime over night, you have to change people’s minds. “ The major influence of journalism if from Germany. They have their own Journalism school, which is a two year program. This can be substituted for a college diploma. They are strictly a self-funded organization. They only get money from sponsors or membership fees. There is no government help whatsoever. They have a strong ethics committee. Any member can come to the committee with any problem or concern. The committee will meet and if the problem is taken to court sometimes the court will call the journalism association and ask what their take is on the situation. It seems to me like a good cause and group if it was in fact legitimate.

EUROPEAN UNION
The EU was another very interesting topic. The European Union is a political system that combines elements of both a nation state and a traditional organization. It makes policy in specified areas: for example, where the state set taxes. The Second World War had a huge impact for change in the nature of relations between the European states. Six countries led to the creation of the European communities. The EU is regarded as a mechanism through which states and societies regain a degree of control over markets and are able to address trans-border issues, environment protection, health issues, and migration. The executive body of the EU is the European Commission and is headquartered in Brussels. The council of ministers has the final power and say. The EU Parliament was the first trans parliament assembly in the world with partial powers. The EU court of justice enforces communism based law on the principle of supremacy and direct effect. EU turns eastward in 2004 on their fourth round of enlargement. They added the following; Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Cyprus, and Malta. They are looking to add Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey and the western Balkan countries in the near future. The EU also works as the Red Cross in the US by reaching out for flood and earthquake relief.

NEPSZABADSAG
There are currently 120 writers for this paper who focuses on quality. In the beginning the Nepszabadsag had the sub title: “A paper of the Hungarian socialist party”. The socialist party founded the Free Press Association with 26 members. One thing interesting about this paper is the owners hire the Editor & Chief, but the staff who works with them every day gets to elect them. However, the owner does get the final decision to agree or disagree with the employee’s choice. When the editor & chief are elected into the position they become in charge. The owners have no say in who is gets what job or with disturbances around the office. Nepszabadsag is a daily news paper and every page is 22-32 pages every day; seven pages are strictly Hungarian News, six to seven pages go towards news for Budapest, one page for country side news, two pages for culture information, two pages for opinion pages, two pages for sports, two pages for economic information, and all the extra pages go to short news. The writers at Nepszabadsag are also responsible for other publications; a magazine for all new Hungarian Journalists, special publications on the World Cup, magazines about the top colleges and upper level education institutions. They also have all of these different sources on the internet and at the time they are free to read.

ROMA LIFE
I had no clue going into this trip what the life of the Roma was like. When we went to the CIJ the very first morning and met some of the Roma students I didn’t immediately think “what are they doing in here with us?” “They are not our kind.” We just see them as regular people with good hearts who have a love for Journalism. In meeting Alfonz my first thought was not about his race or heritage. I noticed him as a kind and sweet man who is going to do anything he can to make us as comfortable here as possible. It kills me to see that Hungary is still at the point we were in the 40’s and 50’s with African Americans. When Alfonz came and talked to us that one day and I could feel the pain in his voice from all the years of racism to his culture. It made my heart ache for him. It is hard to believe that the Hungarian people are so small minded that they can not get past the difference in colors of skin. I do not know what it will take to stop prejudice in Hungary but I pray for their country that everyone will one day be equal.

CONCLUSION
I have learned from going to Hungary and Switzerland that the USA is completely different from any other country. Not just our culture and traditions but our whole way of life. Hungary is a beautiful country with structures and landscape unlike anything else. I learned in Switzerland what it was like to have such great pride for your country when they had won one of the games in the World Cup. That is just not something you see every day. I am very thankful for the opportunity.

Minorities in the Hungarian Media

2006-06-09T04:41:00.000-07:00

Cherilyn Robinson
Minorities in the Hungarian Media
Racism in the Hungarian Media is very prevalent . Bulgarian, Roma, Greek, Polish, and German are just a few that are recognized as national or ethnic minorities native to Hungary.
Data shows that minorities make up over 10% of the population in Central and Eastern Europe.
Groups like Log The Media are groups in Europe that make a project out of fostering
the active involvement of ethnic minority groups in activities that confront the reflection of racism, xenophobia, (a fear of foreigners) and other forms of intolerance in the media. With this view, the project promotes media literacy training to audience groups of migrant origin as well as the intercultural dialogue between those groups and media professionals.
Online/More Colour in the Media is a network of broadcasters, training institutes, and multicultural organizations set up to improve the representation of ethnic minorities in broadcasting, and has initiated projects in the fields of employment, training, production and research. It created the Multicultural Skyscraper as information gateway on all things multicultural about the media.
In Budapest, during the European Week of Media and Minorities, Puszta Radio broadcasted a radio show about the life and work conditions of Roma people and immigrants living in Hungary.
In the past minority participants have agreed on the importance of minority communities maintaining their own media to help sustain a dynamic, contemporary group identity. One participant thought that the fundamental distinction is between private and public sector media; minorities, as constituent parts of the public, are equal to other members of society as stakeholders in the public media. Referring to 'minority' versus 'mainstream' media risks 'ghettoizing' minorities. Other participants accepted these points but advocated the concept of 'minority media', defined as media where the concerns and perspectives of a minority group are dominant. It exists either as programs produced by minorities primarily for minorities, or through the ownership of a media outlet (newspaper, radio station, etc.). These can usefully be called the 'minority media' without implying that the public sector media is 'owned' by the majority.
Minority-language media are essential for keeping a language alive and developing its modern usage. Most argued that with sufficient financial support and legal protection, minority-language media could flourish. Many believed, however, that states generally do not support the cultural development of minorities. Numerically small minorities may be officially recognized by the state but, without support, are at risk of assimilation. Participants argued that governments should therefore create the conditions so minorities themselves can provide the outlets they need.
Sometimes minorities are discouraged from using their language in the media for fear of arousing mainstream suspicion and possible penalties. For example, in Poland the long tradition of anti-Semitism has meant that the main Jewish magazine is published in Polish instead of Yiddish, so as not to risk increasing public mistrust. This situation is especially difficult for groups where the government is suspicious of their privately run media, questioning whether the intention is to provide a vehicle for mobilizing minority insurrectionist movements. Such publications can experience official and unofficial harassment - even if the issues covered are quite mundane. Nevertheless, participants agreed that minority-language. Some minority-developed and operated broadcasts may be more feasible in the private sector, where programs can be commercially viable. However, much minority programming is unlikely to be commercially viable, and provisions must be made in the public sector. Many sponsors limit their funding to private enterprises. Still, there remain a range of funding constraints in private or community sector media. In general, minorities find it easier to create their own print media than to develop their own broadcast media. This is both because of the lower production costs and the potential revenue sources offered by subscriptions and advertising. However, even print media can be extremely difficult to finance. Between broadcast mediums, radio stations or programs tend to be more feasible than television production.
The lack of funds can inhibit freedom of expression by limiting the range of minority media outlets and therefore limiting expression of the whole range of minorities' political and social views. Even where they exist, government subsidies for minority media do not necessarily enable expression of this diversity. New technologies may offer potential to create a pluralistic minority media. Low-power radio transmitters, satellite, cable and digital technology could make it financially feasible to reach smaller, targeted audiences. One participant pointed to the potential of community broadcasting. This has been particularly useful in radio and in cable television, where minorities have been able to own and operate their own channels or programs, not for commercial gain but to serve community needs.
media is a right and must be claimed as such.
There can be significant benefits from the free flow of media across frontiers and this flow is protected by international law. Many participants, however, expressed their ambivalence toward importing media from states where their ethnic group forms the majority. Such media can provide important educational resources and help maintain and develop the group's culture, but they can also stifle development of the minority group's own media, and are rarely capable of covering issues from the perspective of the minority community.
The Hungarian community in Romania has access to well-financed media from Hungary, which can discourage local production. The Bulgarian government limits minority-language broadcasts, believing that this encourages minorities to integrate into the mainstream. This has had the paradoxical effect of encouraging Turkish-speakers to rely upon the media of the kin-state, thus risking greater social polarization. Media can also originate from minority communities and flow into the kin-state. Niwa, the journal of the Belarussian community in Poland, is mailed to subscribing organizations in Belarus thus helping to expand the range of information and analysis available in that country.
Trans-frontier media dynamics can spark either tension or cooperation between states. Duna TV, a channel based in Hungary, has been accused by both the Romanian and Slovakian governments of encouraging secessionist aspirations of Hungarian minorities. But there are also possibilities for bi- and multilateral cooperation: sometimes, the 'kin-state' has provided financial assistance for producing minority media programs. There are other useful ways to cooperate: for example, public television producers from Poland and Ukraine are exploring the potential for the exchange of programs.
Minorities in Eastern Europe: Between conflict and emancipation
When the communist regimes of Central and Eastern Europe collapsed under the pressure of public protest, ethnic minorities played a crucial role in many places. They had often been among the most harshly affected by communist dictatorship, and were among the first to rebel. Along with joy and optimism, however, emerged nationalism, an expression of both societal insecurity and historical resentments.
Countries in the region faced widely diverging conditions, yet all struggled with poverty and social dislocation, their leaders inexperienced in dealing with democracy and market economy. Multicultural populations often added a twist. There are many ethnic minority groups, a legacy both of continuously shifting borders and the multiethnic diversity from before the nation-state era. Though great violence accompanied attempts to "homogenize" states in the twentieth century, it has not yet dissolved, and is in fact newly recreated in more postmodern ways.
Eastern Europe's minorities, whether concentrated along the borders of neighboring kin-states or scattered according to age-old settlement patterns, are thus usually no "newer" than the majority population. As "national minorities", they enjoy legal protections barred to the immigrants of Western Europe and they are often organized in political parties of their own, which have taken part in national governments around the region. However, they face much of the same socio-economic exclusion as Western Europe's immigrants and have been targeted by populist politicians, who capitalize on suspicions of separatism and irredentism. Still, though some countries have coped better with ethnic tensions than others, it seems they are all now well on their way towards conforming with basic European norms in minority rights.
This is thanks to many factors, the political emancipation of the minorities themselves among them. But the greatest "push-factor" was the incentive of future integration into the EU and other European organizations. These have worked in close cooperation to bring governments to conform with certain minority rights standards, monitoring their implementation and applying a 'carrot and the stick' approach that sets forth conditions that have to be met - and then rewards complying countries and punishes those that fail.
No other institution has been more tangibly successful than the European Union. The pressure it brought to bear on Central and East-European governments was facilitated by the division of the pre-accession process into stages, conditioning applicant countries to periodically meet new standards and legal norms. The European Agreements, the initial treaties between the EU and the individual states, came with a clause on the development of human and minority rights. Then, applicant countries were evaluated on individual basis and the European Commission included a chapter on human and minority rights in its "Agenda 2000", an opinion about the progress made by each country. Thus Estonia passed a citizenship law that dealt with the issue of stateless children and Slovakia complemented its law on the state language with the law on the languages of minorities that had been absent for several years.
Sometimes, it was actually a Central European government that nudged the EU on. Hungary has often pioneered exemplary minority legislation, in the hope that neighboring countries would treat their Hungarian minorities equally well. It now succeeded in having a list of minority rights included in the draft EU Constitution.
Nevertheless, many Central and East-European countries still lack coherent anti-discrimination measures. The situation of the Roma is of the most concern. They have been marginalized, victimized by both racist violence and the poverty that came with economic reforms. They face discrimination on the job market, but also when it comes to housing and schools. "Skinhead" violence is rampant in some countries, the police often indifferent or even complicit. According to a 2002 UNDP poll, only 8% of the Roma in Central and Eastern Europe think they are better off now than during Communism.
NGO's have emerged as discussion partners for both national governments and international organizations. Roma media initiatives play a specifically noteworthy role, complementing a minority media scene that is at once exceptionally vibrant and challenged by particularly intimidating circumstances.
Minorities and the media: a myriad of problems and opportunities
Recently launched by the European network Online/More Colour in the Media, the subscribing media initiatives point out that "minority community media can contribute enormously to the emancipation of immigrants and ethnic minority groups". Having one's own media or one's own programs, they claim, provides both a platform for the community itself and a bridge to the majority society.
In some respects, when taking this perspective, there is reason to actually look with some jealousy to some of the countries in Central and Eastern Europe.
There is a long tradition of minority-language and ethnic media, primarily newspapers, and their number has grown since 1989. Occasionally, a minority newspaper may go back a long time, to the days of multiethnic empires - like the German-language Pester Lloyd in Hungary, which was founded in 1854 and still appears weekly. Sometimes, the communist era has left a legacy of formalistic, quota-like media rights, as for example in the Vojvodina, Yugoslavia, where each ethnic community was accorded its own publishing house and regional broadcasts in its own language. A similar pattern appears across the region, with state-funded broadcasts or journals guaranteed, however symbolically, for even the smallest minority. In Poland, for example, with a 2-3% minority population, the Office for National and Ethnic Minorities finances one journal per ethnic group, 33 in all; many of them were founded back in the 1950s.
In South-Eastern Europe, a multitude of local broadcasters has emerged. There are 32 local TV stations for 4.3 million Moldavians; some 160 radio and TV stations for 2 million Macedonians. Many of them are operated by minorities. International organizations have initiated various multicultural media projects. Search for Common Ground, for example, produced a children's TV program in Macedonia, Nashe Maalo, which featured a multi-ethnic cast and became very popular. An exceptional case was Kosovo's Blue Sky Radio, established by the UN and operated by the Foundation Hirondelle in the transitional phase after the war: aiming to be multiethnic, it produced news bulletins in three languages.
Furthermore, the main national minorities are, in comparison with West-European immigrants, relatively well-organized, mobilized in parallel networks of their own. And when a minority makes up six or eight percent of the population, it constitutes a sizeable market with a common language - a contrast with the splintered migrant media audiences in Western Europe.
Nevertheless, there is a flip side. First off, circumstances vary widely from country to country. The legacy of times past is different in Bulgaria, where under Zhivkov's reign it was forbidden to speak Turkish on the street and where the media law still restricts the use of minority languages, than in Hungary, with its system of minority self-governments that media authorities are legally required to consult. Conversely, the recent establishment of the Roma radio station Radio © in Budapest was a long-awaited break-through, while in Macedonia there are five Roma broadcasters, building on a tradition first started with a Roma radio program in 1963.
Circumstances vary widely between minorities, too. Minorities with an 'external homeland' may benefit from financial assistance from the 'kin-state' or bilateral agreements between the two governments, though media from the 'external homeland' pose stiff competition for domestic 'ethnic' programming. The Roma typically face disproportionate obstacles in establishing their own programs. So do ´new´ minorities, where media rights are determined by definitions of who is or is not a "national minority". The relatively vibrant Chinese media scene in Hungary is the exception, with seven periodicals for 10,000 Chinese and a soap opera made by and about Chinese in Hungary, which was highly popular in China proper. Even so, those periodicals overwhelmingly rely on reproducing content from Chinese state-run websites.
This is typical for the problems plaguing Eastern Europe's minority media scene. Most minority programs are broadcast by regional stations. Moreover, both minority media and minority programs on mainstream media are under funded, understaffed and under trained. Basically, the "top" end of the range - national, professional, innovative reportage - is underdeveloped. Local minority media have extremely limited audiences, and revenue is low. As a result, programming is often limited to music and/or retransmissions, and includes little original reporting. Minority programs on public broadcasters face competitive conditions, too, and are often allotted unattractive time slots of limited length. Such conditions correlate with insufficient training and consequently, journalistic quality. Minority media grapple with issues of journalistic independence. State-funded minority programs, possibly out of fear of offending, tend to avoid potentially controversial issues altogether, limiting themselves to cultural subjects and community events.
Above and beyond these practical problems, the role ethnic programming plays in intercultural relations can be problematic. Minority programs sometimes seem to cater purely for a minority's formal right to cultivate its own culture, rather than to promote the majority group's awareness about minority groups or the interaction between them.
There is relatively little coverage of social issues or current affairs. Editors are often not from the minority group themselves. Such programming risks are of little relevance to the dynamic cross-cultural interactions of modern urban life. Occasionally, there is a sense that it expresses a government's lip service to legal requirements rather than commitment to quality media output.
The same patterns recur in private media. There are very few multiethnic newspapers and broadcasters. Just as there is little attempt to address an audience beyond the "own" group, there is little reporting about other groups to one's own audience, risking a pattern of ghettoization.
The majority media, of course, has often acted in the same way - with greater consequences. Hate speech reached fever pitch during the Yugoslav wars, but has affected media elsewhere and later, too, especially concerning Roma. Romanian media coverage in the nineties increasingly blamed the Roma for a series of violent community clashes. More matter-of-course is generally stereotyped reporting, note the contradictions in the common journalistic phrase 'an unknown Roma suspect'. Few mainstream programs deal with minorities, and fewer still are made by minority professionals.
The main challenge now is to promote intercultural programming, produced by minorities, that will reach majority groups, as well as "diversity reporting" that can infuse mainstream reporting with a multicultural perspective. International organizations, from the OSCE and the Council of Europe to NGO's like the Media Diversity Institute and the Baltic Media Centre, have played an active role in providing training opportunities. But at least as interesting are the efforts of minority organizations themselves.

Online/More colour in the Media
Tuning in to Diversity 2004
Log in the Media
Media Literacy Online for Minority Ethnic Audiences
http://www.olmcm.org
Education in Multi-Ethnic Societies of Central and Eastern Europe
http://www.minorityrights.org
Mass Media for a Minority
http://www.media-diversity.org/

Beek, Van Joost and Kusa, Dagmar
In broken glass, many reflections
Minorities and the media in Central and Eastern Europe
February 2004
http://www.multicultural.net

Growth in Hungarian media - Progress or political agenda: post 1989

2006-06-09T02:31:00.000-07:00

The year 1989 brought great changes on the political stage as well as economic systems for Hungary. The summer of 1990 was loud with disputes over legislation. (Bayer, 2005.) The modified constitution included greater emphasis on human rights, a definition of the rights of national minorities and the creation of an office of a parliamentary ombudsman. (Bayer, 2005.) And compared with the situation before 1989, the media in East-Central Europe have certainly made significant gains in liberalization and pluralization according to professor of communication and public opinion at the faculty of social sciences, University of Ljubljana, Slvako Splichal.
However, it is arguable that with every step forward, two steps are taken backwards. Splichal questions the progress of Hungarian media – theorizing that democracies take time to build, and the present state of the media in Hungary is simply the mirror image of the former and Western media. Roseanne Gerin, media analyst and journalist, disputes in her article, "The forgotten promise of freedom", that the growth of government sanctions and the use of litigation to curtail journalistic efforts of accurate reporting are restricting the expansion of free media. One common conclusion drawn by both Gerin and Splichel is that even with the classification of 'free' attached, the continued control over the media by old politicians and elites is a major setback on the road to achieving a free press. In examining the imitation theory of Splichel, arguments of Gerin, and recent developments in the Hungarian government, this report will analyze the growth of the media since post-communism and whether a free press is evolving or whether the media simply remains the voice of political regimes.
The accuracy of a study conducted so recently after the fall and rebirth of a nation is debatable, but Splichal's efforts examine a decade of changes in the media – with support from Gabriel Tarde's imitation theory released in 1969. There are six imitative tendencies that nations will fall into: re-nationalization; de-nationalization and privatization; commercialization; inter- and trans-nationalization; nationalistic and religious exclusivism; and cross-fertilization. Each of the tendencies are defined by a set of characteristics, but for the sake of this study, we're only going to look at the tendencies identified with Hungary.

Re-nationalization
Re-nationalization is the strategy of imitating the media policies of the former dominant (party-state) political power. (Splichal, 2001). Surprisingly, in new capitalist countries, sentiments are exchanged expressing equivocal views that political elites in the former system should authorize the new elites how to control the media. In the case of Hungary, the charge of lingering communist sympathy among journalists deflects attention from a more fundamental problem – "not that the old leftist elite is in control of the media, but that the old leftist elite is in control." (Splichal, 2001.) In a city of 10.2 million people and a government making up a mere fraction of the population and in control, it is difficult to label such a media "free".

De-nationalization and Privatization
After decades of state-controlled media, it was widely believed that freedom of ownership, and particularly private ownership, is the guarantor of democracy and a free press. (Splichal, 2001.) Hungary was among the nations to embrace privatization after the fall of communism in 1989 and a great influx of new radio stations and newspapers popped up – but this was not the case for broadcasting stations, which reach the largest audiences. Licensing of new stations was often much more a party-political decision than the result of identifying the needs and interests of publics, e.g., through public hearings, as practiced by Western countries. (Splichal, 2001.) Hungary was still practicing edgy politics in similar ways to pre-1989.
Tarde's theory of imitation is not limited to or subject-to strictly follow the tendencies listed above, but open to various forms of imitation. It can be said that in light of evidence presented by Splichal, Hungary still adheres to the guidelines set by its communist predecessors.
Correspondingly, the general consensus among a majority of Hungarians is that they are tired of the political and economic roller coaster they have been riding. They desire to return to a more stable, communistic environment. (Benham, 1994.) This statement is supported by the outcome of the 1994 election. Gyula Horn, a former Communist, and former leader of the Hungarian Socialist Party, was made the new Prime Minister of Hungary. He said, "[his] aim was to form a government that can deliver on the free-market promises its conservatives predecessor made, but could not keep in the first flush of Hungarian democracy." (Benham, 1994.)
A much more recent confirmation of the communist presence was seen in the election of 2004 when Ferenc Gyurcsany was named prime minister. Born in Papa, western Hungary in 1961, Gyurcsany joined the communist party's youth league as a student. (Condon, 2006.) After completing a master's degree in 1990, he went into business, forming an investment holding company that bought, restructured and sold small state-owned companies. (Condon, 2006.) Condon concludes that this explains partly why Gyurcsany is 'loathed by Hungarians.' A former communist profiting in the 1990s stirs deep resentment. Questionable still is, "How deep is resentment for a man whom is an elected official?"
However, it is undeniable that privatization of news outlets has financially stabilized newspapers and electronic media. [In 2000] Today, journalists in Central Europe enjoy a vibrant and diverse media scene with a proliferation of print publications and, in recent years, an influx of private commercial television and radio stations. (Gerin, 2000.)

Achievements
In the same way, the breakdown of monopolies has allowed for diversity in ownership of the media – somewhat evening the playing field. Incredibly, astonishing developments have occurred in the advertising market. As of 1994, 15,000 firms were either fully or partially emerged in advertising. The country saw a great surfacing of firms when the change in the system put an end to monopoly of state-owned companies. (Benham, 1994.)
However, the growth of advertising agencies is only one aspect of the media – and Benham argues that privatization offers great benefits for businesses, but does not reciprocate the same level of wealth for the media. The government sees the media as a public service institution, which should support the government and its programs. (Benham, 1994.) Due to this factor, the Hungarian government feels the media is dangerous for political office. Benham further states in her report that allowing the media more freedoms would make political office holders responsible to the public.
Likewise, following 1989, several single-party papers underwent amazing transformations. Nepszabadsag in Hungary, a former trumpet of the communist regime, has become a thriving paper stripped of its old dogma and propaganda tactics for the most part. (Benham, 2000.)
This year (2006) has produced a victory for Hungarian cable television. It was released in the Hollywood Reporter that the European Commission ordered Hungary to 'scrap restrictions on cable television services or face court action.' Specifically, the EC called on the government to abolish the part of the Hungarian Media Act that limits each cable operator to a maximum subscriber base of just one-third of the Hungarian population of 10.2 million. According to reporter Leo Cendrowicz, the Hungarian Media Act breaks a European Union directive from 2002 that opens competition in the markets for electronic communications networks and services. The directive said governments must ensure that no restrictions are imposed or maintained on the provision of electronic communications services, including broadcasting transmission services. (Cendrowicz, 2006.)

Landslides
We've seen a trend during the last 10 years where there was an initial phase of great freedom for the media, then a combination in reaction to that from governments, like new legislation designed to control the media rather than entrench its freedom, and also some extralegal measures taken against the media – physical attacks on journalists and threats according to Helen Darbishire, the media law program manager of the Constitutional and Legal Policy Institute (COLPI) a division of the Open Society Institute in Budapest. "Those extralegal types of incidents have declined in Central Europe broadly speaking, and now the primary mechanism for the state to regulate the media is through legislation. (Gerin, 2000.)
Politicians show little regard for a healthy antagonism between the press and the government in a viable democracy. (Gerin, 2000.) As in the Czech Republic, the Hungarian parliament was considering a similar right-of redress proposal that would require media outlets to publish corrections not only of false statements of fact, but also counter-opinions. The law, which was recently dropped, would have applied to both print and electronic media. (Gerin, 2000.)

Progress is evident with the increasing number of daily newspapers, radio stations, advertising firms, and electronic media across the nation, but upward movement is continually being halted by political elites who fear loss of control. Splichal and Gerin both present cases, which reflect the idea that the control over the media is still in the hands of few – and simply, the voices of those few. With this system in place, it's questionable, "How independent and journalistic are the echoes of former communist elites?"
During the early 1990s, a long-running political sore in Hungary erupted in a "media war". The governing Hungarian Democratic Forum (MDF) under Joszef Antall and the opposition Alliance of Free Democrats disputed after an earlier agreement between the two broke down. (BHHRG, 2001.) The Free Democrats managed to obtain two important concessions from the government: that their man became president of the Republic and that the directors of the state TV and radio stations be appointed by the president on a proposal from the prime minister. (BHHRG, 2001.) The presidents soon became vociferous opponents of the government and influenced the content of their respective media outlets accordingly. (BHHRG, 2001.)
"After 1989, we have had to learn that democracy cannot be imported, it cannot be bought off the peg. And that it is not brought about and established overnight by a first and single free election...The fact that we have a government responsible to Parliament does not mean that everyone else is relieved of all responsibilities," said Elemer Hankiss author of The Hungarian media's war of indepedence. (Behman, 1994.)
It will take time for Hungary to develop as a democratic nation – but Hungary will not grow without a media watchdog holding those in office accountable for their actions. President of the National Association of Hungarian Jouranlists, Istvan Wisinger, opened his speech by quoting from The Freedom of Press – the Press of Freedom, "In its political and legal sense the Hungarian press is free." This is a fact, as Gazdag points out in "Hungarian press in the last ten years overview 1987/1997" – but a true free press cannot exist by regurgitating the ideals imposed by the 'ghosts of Soviet censors.'
Bibliography

Bayer, Jozsef. "The process of the change of the political system in Hungary; deepening crisis; emerging opposition" East European Quarterly Boulder: Summer 2005. Vol. 39, Iss 2; pg. 129, 19 pgs.

Bayer, Judith. "Status of the Hungarian media after the 2002 elections". 2002. Peace Institute. < http://www.mirovni-institut.si/eng_html/articles/bayer.doc>

British Helsinki Human Rights Group. "Hungary 2001: The Hungarian Media Today" 2001. British Helsinki Human Rights Group. http://www.bhhrg.org/

Benham, Chelse Barker. "Hungarian media after Communism". 1994. http://www.utexas.edu/ftp/pub/eems/main.html (As presented by the Hungarian Electronic Library http://www.mek.iif.hu

Cendrowicz, Leo. "Hungary ordered to nix cable restrictions" Hollywood Reporter 12 April 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1-32574351&sid=1&Fmt=3&cl ientid=50709&RQT=309&VName=PQD

Condon, Christopher. "Man who would be Blair". The Financial Times 17 April 2006. http://www.policy-network.net/php/article.php?sid=6&aid=571%3CFONT

Gazdag, Elizabeth. "Hungarian press in the last ten years overview 1987/1997". 64th IFLA General Conference. 1998. International Federation of Library Association and Institutions 16-21 Aug. 1998. http://www.ifla.org/IV/ifla64/097-116e.htm

Gerin, Roseanne. "The forgotten promise of freedom" May 2000. The Quill http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=55739599&sid=3&Fmt=4&clie ntld=50709&RQT=309&VName=PQD

Haefele, Marc B. "Spin-free spiral". Style Weekly 7 June 2006. http://www.styleweekly.com/article/asp?idarticle=12427
Splichal, Slavko. "Imitative revolutions changes in the media and journalism in East-Central Europe." The Public Vol. 8 (2001): 1-28

Hungarian Media

2006-06-07T20:54:00.000-07:00

Jennifer Teeters
International Field Study
June 4, 2006

Media in Hungary

Since the fall of communism in Hungary, the media has undergone much change to become what it is today. However, the influence of communism is still prevalent in the media, as it is in other former communist countries. The media is no longer state-controlled and has been reorganized to fit democratic standards, but the historical lingering of communism continues to create tension. “Communism versus democracy” serves as a basis for many political, economic and ethical debates involving the media. Monopolies and political forces in ownership show that the media in Hungary still has many ideas and habits of communism. With an audience of 10 million, Hungary’s media is a relatively small market.

Print Media

Hungary has 10 national and 24 local daily newspapers, which are all privately owned, most by foreign owners. When newspapers became popular in the market, there was no domestic interest in acquiring papers, nor were there government restrictions on foreign ownership. Western investors own seven out of 10 nationals and all dailies.

Out of the local dailies, Axel Springer owns 10, Westdeutsche Allegmeine Zeitung owns five, Funk GmbH owns three, and Associated Newspapers owns three. Attempts to create rival local dailies have failed because of the rigidity of the local markets. Subscribing to specific papers is somewhat of a tradition for Hungarians, and the county/local appeal keeps the successful papers selling and gives their owners practical monopolies in the counties where they are published. Even in a case where there are two local dailies in a county, they usually end up being owned by the same company.

The national newspaper market is a different story. Political dailies are the most popular national newspapers. With a circulation of about 200,000, Népszabadság, the former communist party newspaper, is the leading national daily. Magyar Nemzet is second, with around 100,000 readers. The third, Magyar Hírlap, has around 49,000 readers, and the fourth, Népszava, has a circulation of 31,000. All of these titles were in existence before the fall of communism in 1989, and no newer political dailies survived after 1990. Since this time, political dailies’ circulation has gone down. Tabloid journalism was introduced and began to thrive after the introduction of democracy, and the Magyar Nemzet became successful. Competition is fierce in the national market, and there are currently three foreign-owned titles rivaling the domestic titles. Hungarian readers also have the choice of two financial dailies. One is owned by a group of Hungarian investors, and the other by Axel Springer, a foreign owner of several local dailies. Another title to survive the transition from communism to democracy is Nemzeti Sport, the only daily sports-only paper.

The magazine market has flourished since the fall of communism. Lifestyle and fashion magazines like Hungarian editions of Cosmopolitan and Elle, celebrity gossip magazines like Story, and erotic magazines like Playboy were all introduced in the 1990s and continue to gain reader attraction. The magazine sector is also predominantly privately owned, with two-thirds of the ownership held by Swiss media company Ringier. They run broadsheets Népszabadság and Magyar Hírlap, the sports daily Nemzeti Sport and the tabloid Blikk. Hungarians’ lack of protest against these monopolies shows that the public has not yet completely grasped the idea of freedom of the press and that political forces are still very much a part of the media.

Broadcast Media

The broadcast sector of Hungarian media has been under much dispute since 1990. Before the fall of communism, commercial broadcasting did not exist, and Magyar Televízió (MTV), the state-controlled broadcasting company, had a monopoly on television. But in 1996, the Media Law was created, converting MTV from a state-controlled company to a public service channel. This made a way for creating a dual broadcasting system, like what is used in Western Europe. Today, there are three main channels: MTV (public service), TV2 (owned by the Scandinavian Broadcasting System), and RTL Klub (owned by CLT, Bertelsmann, Pearson, and the Hungarian national telecom company). There are commercial channels that are available through cable or satellite, and several local stations. About 42 percent of Hungarian households have cable or satellite. Duna TV, another public service channel, was introduced in 1992, with the goal of reaching Hungarian minorities living outside the country. In 1999, it won the Unesco prize for best cultural television in the world. However, commercial broadcasters have had a negative impact on public service broadcasters. Shares of commercial broadcasters soar over public service broadcasters, and about 85 percent of television advertising is done through commercial broadcasters.

MTV is a major player in the ongoing nature of political influence in Hungarian media. Each government has used the channel to spread its political agendas. The channel is supported by a fee charged to all citizens who own a TV, like the BBC, but it also allows advertising. In 2002, the government introduced a way to fund the channel through the national budget; before then, the fee was included in citizens’ taxes. MTV has undergone attempts to change its image and political bargaining to appear as more of a commercial style to appeal to viewers.
The radio sector follows the trends of other media in Hungary. The two major national commercial stations, Danubius and Sláger, are foreign-owned. There are three national public service stations, Kossuth, Petofi and Bartók, and many local stations, including commercial, public service, nonprofit and community stations.

Online Media

Hungarian citizens’ access to the internet has grown to about 20 percent today. Most national newspapers and magazines have online editions, and some radio shows can be streamed online as well. Newspaper websites offer discussion forums and archives. The two main sources of online news are Index, which was the first of its kind, and Origo, owned by the former national telecommunications monopoly.

News Agencies & Media Organizations

The dominating news agency in Hungary is Magyar Távirati Iroda (MTI), the company that was once the monopoly of media. It is state-owned and run by a board of trustees appointed by delegates of the political parties in Parliament. Even though it is no longer technically a monopoly, MTI still runs the vast majority of news outlets in Hungary. Reuters tried to compete with MTI, and is still present in Hungary, but is no longer in the Hungarian language news market. Other news agencies, like the Axel Springer/Europress photo agency and the Havaria Press (set up by Hungarian journalists) specialize in crime, fire and accidents. The Roma Press Centre, a small, non-profit news agency, is dedicated to covering the Roma population.

The national association of journalists, or MÚOSZ, is the main professional organization for journalists. Catholics, conservative journalists and sports reporters have also created organizations. There are also organizations for commercial broadcasters, cable TV networks, local TV and radio, advertisers, publishers and online media.

Media Liability Systems

For broadcast media, the main regulatory/accountability body is the National Radio and Television Board (ORTT). It was created by the Media Law in 1996. It allots frequencies and regulates the amount of advertising time, appropriateness of program content, and has a commission that deals with viewer complaints. ORTT has the right to fine or suspend broadcasters. Its members are selected from nominees of Parliament, and its president is nominated by the president and prime minister of Hungary. There are no accountability organizations for written or online media.

Changes in the Media

Since the country’s conversion from communism to democracy, there has been a fight by conservatives to find their “place” in Hungarian media. Other than the daily Magyar Nemzet, all national political dailies have liberal leanings. Conservatives also believe that the two main commercial TV stations have liberal slants. From 1998 to 2002, the new conservative government had a mission to try to balance the media. They increased their control over public service broadcasters and got advertising money and donations through cultural funds to go into conservative publications. They also got funding to create new conservative news publications and online sites.

As the liberal party once again took over the government in 2002, most of the state sponsorship of conservative media outlets was cut off. As a result, the conservatives called for consumer support of their then endangered publications, an idea that they got from the liberals. Conservatives claim that circulation figures are raising for their publications. Moreover, many new private conservative publications have been introduced. Most of these have heavy opinion included in the news. A new conservative station called Hír TV has also been introduced for cable and satellite viewers.

Education and Jobs in Hungarian Media

Before 1990, there was a state-controlled, single journalism trade school, and advertising for private entities was scarce. Even with the 1949 Hungarian constitution calling for freedom of the press, reporters still had unwritten rules by which they were expected to follow. This basically meant that no reporter could question the country’s “achievements” or “national historical and moral values.” Advertising was also looked at as unnecessary and improper. But the transformation from communism to democracy made people realize that for the press to be free, it must be profitable. This need for profitability led to a change in the way information is gathered and presented, the basis upon which journalism education is centered, and the way the media operates. These huge changes forced managers to look for workers with new skills and ideas.

Since around 1994, independent publications and advertising/public relations agencies have flourished. However, there are still problems that arise in training these people. Higher education in Hungary is unstable. These institutions must deal with part-time teachers, unfocused students, and sub-par curricula. Along with this, lack of funding leaves staff underpaid and facilities available to students at a minimum. As Hungary moves forward with its democratization, though, more people are beginning to enjoy the benefits of higher education and in the case of the media, objectivity and equality are becoming more understood and accepted as necessary for good journalism.

Journalists in Hungary, as in other countries, have a code of ethics that was accepted by the MÚOSZ in 1994. It states its objective as “to preserve and promote ethical and honest journalists’ activities within the framework of human rights, democratic public life and the constitutional state.” It covers the freedom and responsibility of journalists, including their rights, obligations, and expectations, the violations of the regulations concerning conduct, the violations of the freedom of debate and criticism, the abuse of journalists’ freedom, other cases of ethical offense, and the decisions of the ethical committee.

Problems in the Advancement of Communication

Hungary is well on its way to getting up to speed with the West in terms of media and communication. However, there are hurdles and difficulties in this ongoing advancement. Hungary is becoming more involved with the ways and practices of the West, the US in particular, as well as Western Europe. While the two are closely related, there are some differences in the two that are causing problems for Hungary. The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, led by the US, demands that every country meet the requirements of adhering strictly to the principle and practice of the free flow of information and audio-visual services. The European Union, on the other hand, calls for positive discrimination for audio-visual services of its members.

With the ongoing demand for globalization, it is vital to the welfare of Hungary as a nation to join such groups as OECD and the EU. There is a growing emphasis on nations as cultural communities, an idea of multi-national civil societies, and a rapidly increasing need demand for constant communication between nations. However, if Hungary joins the EU, a huge part of Hungary’s culture, the Hungarian language community (those living outside the country) remain on the outside. This raises the issue of defining the borders of the Union, and of Europe in general.

The transformation from communism to democracy has been a big challenge for Hungary as a country, as well as a cultural community. There is definitely still a presence of the ideas and ways of communism in all aspects of the country: the government, the economy, and of course, the media. But, as the demand for globalization continues to increase and more Hungarians pick up on this idea, the country will continue to grow as a free nation and Hungary will continue to secure its place in the fast-paced, ever changing global community.

Bibliography

Kaposi, Ildikó. Hungarian Media Landscape. June 4, 2006. European Journalism Centre. Dec. 2002. < http://www.ejc.nl/jr/emland/hungary.html>

Walters, T. N., Hiebert, Ray & Walters, Lynne M. International Communications Bulletin - Are Hungarian Journalism Students Preparing to Meet their New Civic Responsibility in a Democracy? June 4, 2006. International Communication Division of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication. Aug. 1, 2001. < http://userpages.umbc.edu/~hasegawa/aejmc- icd/spring98/hungarianjournal.html>

Kováts, Ildikó. Dilemmas facing Hungary in securing genuine democratisation of communications. World Association for Christian Communication. Media Development, 1999.

Journalists’ Ethical Code (Hungary). June 4, 2006. Department of Journalism and Mass Communication – University of Tampere. Apr. 19, 2006. <http://www.uta.fi/ethicnet/hungary.html#start>

Hungary.hu – Press. June 4, 2006. Hungary.hu. Aug. 4, 2003. <http://www.magyarorszag.hu/angol/orszaginfo/kultura/sajto/sajto_a.html>

Hungarian Literature: It's History and Influence

2006-06-05T16:46:00.000-07:00

Jason Price

Hungarian Literature
Its History and Influence

Think of Hungary, and what comes to mind? What about Magyar? Anything? For many people the words Hungary and Magyar generate abstract images of a distant country shrouded in the ancient mist of some backwards part of Europe, a land which must not be important because we never hear about them in the US. Now think of Hungarian literature. Anything come to mind? Probably not. Most people (and I must include myself in this group) are unable to form any image, name, or idea whatsoever of what Hungarian literature might be, and a Hungarian author might as well be Chinese as far as most are concerned. Why read anything from such a backwards corner of Europe anyway? At this juncture, it would be beneficial to remember that at one time America was considered a backward corner of the world, itself. Beyond this, beyond the misconceptions and stereotypes, is the truth that there exists in Hungary a country with a literary language that is well worth experiencing.
Possessing a long and rich history, the Magyars (Hungarians) stand out as one of the more unique civilizations in Europe. Their origins lost in the uncharted migrations of the 5th century AD, the Magyars eventually settled in the area of what is present day Hungary, Romania, Slovakia, and parts of the Balkans. In fact, the only thing we know about the early origins of the Magyars comes from the uniqueness of their language. Completely unlike anything else in Europe, the language of the Magyars identifies them as one of two groups of people whose language is derived from Finno-Ugrian. Its origins unknown, Finno-Ugrian forms the basis for the modern day Finnish, Estonian, and Hungarian languages. The Magyar language, however, has been suppressed
for much of its history, since Hungary became Christianized in 11th century AD, and Latin became the language of literature and the nobility. Despite the centuries of repression, the Magyar language survived, and in the 19th century, literature discovered the Magyar voice.
During the early part of the 19th century, Hungary witnessed the birth of a literary renaissance with the arrival of many accomplished writers. Their works of poetry and prose captured the resurgent spirit of Magyar nationalism helping to begin the long and difficult transformation of Hungary from occupied nation to one of the fastest developing nations of modern day Europe. Through the talented efforts of the poets Sander Petofi and Janos Arany, together with the novelists Jozsef Eotvos and Maurus Jokai, the epic stories of Hungary’s history were revived and the forms poetry and literature were elevated to new heights. These early writers struggled to revitalize the language of a nation which had, for centuries, languished under the rule of foreign powers. Unfortunately, Hungary’s time of foreign rule had yet to expire.
From the end of the 17th century, until the end of the Great War, Hungary was part of the Austrian Empire, and forced to submit, though often unwillingly, to the influence of the Hapsburg dynasty. Life for Hungary did improve in 1867, however, when growing problems for the Austrian Empire led to the formation of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and increased Hungarian autonomy within the Empire. But, it was not until the end of the Great War that Hungary emerged sovereign and independent again, and even this epic moment was tainted by the loss of much of Hungary’s historic territory to their surrounding neighbours, in the peace treaties following the war.
One by-product of the many years of struggle to regain sovereignty, was the formation of strong nationalist sentiments in the hearts, and, eventually, the words of Hungarian writers. This strength helped to see Hungarian literature and journalism through the impending years of communist rule under the Soviet Union. Throughout the occupation, many Hungarian writers continued to resist the communists’ attempts to censor their writing, with many taking part in the unsuccessful, though heroic, 1956 revolt against the communists’ rule. The poet Laszlo Mecs and the novelist Tibor Dery were among the more well-known writers of this now historic chapter of Magyar history.
Following the attempted revolution of 1956, communist control over the media in general, and writers specifically, allowed a slow, but steady return to the resurgence of Hungarian literature which had begun more than one hundred years earlier. Despite the relaxation of censorship, its presence could still be seen in Hungarian writing which led to the development of a unique approach to writing. Since reality could be censored so that it only the material which reflected the communist government in a positive light was allowed, it was the perception which began to matter more than the reality. Realizing this, Hungarian writers, especially journalists, began taking certain liberties with their writing, building up or downplaying, editing or embellishing their stories in an effort to get around the communist censors. Unfortunately, this practice has outlasted even the communist, creating a world in which the truth is considered subservient to the perceived reality which the author wishes to convey. Often much more entertaining than other Western journalism, Hungarian journalism must often be read with a critical eye, but that is another paper.
Returning to take a closer look at some of the literary figures of Hungary’s recent past, it is interesting to note the different schools of thought and the events which helped to form and destroy these literary styles.
Born in 1823, Sandor Petofi was one of the first to succeed in expressing the growing Magyar nationalism of Austrian controlled Hungary. A failed actor, Petofi turned to writing, forming some of most refined and beautiful poetry ever in Hungary. His accomplishments include the writing of the national anthem "Talpra Magyar," and several epic poems, including Janos Vitez. Petofi developed a new style of poetry in which he combined realism with poetic form, creating powerful, vivid verse. His epic poems often recounted established folk stories, combined with current attitudes, while his lyrical poems were conveyed the emotions of human experience. A natural participant in the Hungarian rising of 1848, Petofi was killed during the hostilities, becoming a sort of patron saint for Magyar nationalists, who forever immortalized the work of one of Hungary’s most important writers.
Considered by many to be the greatest of Hungary’s poets, Janos Arany, born in 1817, worked as a contemporary of Petofi in revitalizing the written Magyar language, and raising written language in general to new heights. Extensively self-taught, Arany first achieved success with the poem Toldi which brought immediate fame. Arany’s newfound fame led to his election as a deputy to the Hungarian parliament formed in 1848, and later serving in the ultimately doomed revolutionary Hungarian government. Following the end of the resistance, Arany returned home where he continued his writing. His personal life and the country around him in shambles, Arany’s writing reflected the hardships he faced, becoming decidedly bitter for a time. Within a few years, however, Hungary had recovered from much of its despair, and Arany was teaching poetry to the son of the future Hungarian prime minister. It was during this time that Arany developed the Magyar ballad, writing two excellent dissertations on the form itself. Later in his life, Arany used his self-taught language skills in the translation of many of Shakespeare’s works. Returning to government service for a brief period in 1867, Arany remained dedicated to the Hungarian people until ill-health force him to resign his political duties. Through many years of education, and his numerous poetic verse, Arany secured his place among the greats of Hungarian writers.
Inspired by the new development of liberal ideas, predominantly in Western Europe, Jozsef Eotvos set about to bring those same ideas to Hungary through the medium of literature. His essays and novels conveyed the ideas of modern society, in which serfdom would be abolished, the penal code revised and improved for the fair treatment of all, and poverty would be considered a problem for society as a whole to address. Satirical in nature, Eotvos works were loved by many, but hated by some as well. Elected to be the minister of education, in 1848, Eotvos clashed with the prime minister, Lajos Kossuth, and resigned later that same year. Spending the next several years in Munich, Eotvos devoted his efforts to philosophy, writing his masterpiece on the ideal liberal state which borrowed heavily from the British constitutional monarchy in place at that time, and which he hoped could be established in the Austrian Empire as well. It was, in fact, ideas such as these which led to Eotvos participation in the Compromise of 1867 which witnessed the formation of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and greater equality for Hungary as a whole. However, following the revolution, Eotvos wrote very little, releasing only one novel. But his previous work had established him as one of Hungary’s most accomplished novelist, helping to develop the style of realism, and the short story, both of which became literary standards in near future.
Representing the party of opposition to the communist authority, Laszlo Mecs’ poetry came to symbolize the Hungarian spirit of resistance to outside influence. Only published outside of Hungary, Mecs still refused to alter his style to fit the communist mold. He was joined by Tibor Dery, a novelist, whose writing led to his imprisonment. Both of these authors lived through the tumultuous days of the 1956 Hungarian rising, and both refused to yield to the communists’ standards, representing the strong sense of nationalism and Magyar pride which yet remained a hallmark of the Hungarian people.
Another interesting writer of the 20th century, was Imre Kertesz, who was born into 1929's anti-Semitic atmosphere. Of Jewish descent, Kertesz was singled out for deportation in World War II and sent to Auschwitz, and then Buchenwald. His experience in the Nazi concentration camp altered his life completely, affecting every work he wrote and leading to his use of the autobiographical style, even though the work is not an autobiography. His first novel, Fateless, was rejected before being received in reserved silence. This led to the release of the novel, Fiasco, which became the second novel of the trilogy that was completed with the release of, Kaddish for a Child not Born. All these novels reflected Kertesz’s inability to understand how the concentration camps could have been allowed to exist, and especially how Hungarians had helped the Nazi’s to populate them. Following the fall of communism in Hungary, Keretsz released several more novels and began making public appearances more often, continuing his work to raise awareness of the dangers of a society which could allow the creation of places like Auschwitz. In this way, he has served as a powerful reminder to the Hungarian people to watch the type of government they allow and cooperate with, helping to ensure that the atrocities of the Holocaust are never repeated in Europe.
Turning to Hungarian journalism, Endre Ady stands out as one of the most influential of the writers of the 20th century. An accomplished poet–arguably the best of the 20th century–Ady’s largest contribution to Hungarian literature and journalism, was the creation of the journal Nyugat, or West, which became a benchmark for Hungarian journalism throughout much of the century. Begun in 1908, the journal collected together the prominent writers of Hungary, revealing their progressive, outward-looking approach. Featuring the best of Hungary’s written works, the journal became the standard by which all others were judged by, and helped to foster the growth of literature, poetry, and journalism within the country, and also created a bridge, uniting Hungarian writers with those of the Western Europe. Belgian and Russian Symbolists, Italian Futurists, and German Expressionists were all introduced to Hungarian readers and writers by Nyugat.
Reflecting the society in which it was written, Nyugat, reflected the openness of Europe prior to the outbreak of the Great War. Naturalism, symbolism, and impressionism were all present in the writings featured within the pages of Nyugat. As the Guns of August unleashed their fury across the continent, the journal’s entries began to reflect the growing frustration and despair which came about as a result of Europe’s most costly war. The carnage of the battlefields of Europe led many to question the previous held liberal ideals which had promised a life of order, in which all men worked together for the good of each other. The writers who survived the war, and those who came after, embraced the new post-expressionist and post-structuralist styles of writing, including the work of Hungarian authors such as Loorinc Szabo, Jozsef Fodor, and Gyorgy Sarkozi.
Moving ahead in time, the works of Peter Esterhazy provide the most prominent example of the unique style which can be found in modern Hungarian writing. Born into one of the most prominent Hungarian families, Esterhazy moved from his small hometown village to Budapest, where he studied math, working in computer science for a time, before trying his hand at writing. Extremely successful, Esterhazy has come to be regarded by many as Hungarians greatest living author, whose works are both intriguing and entertaining, describing various aspects of Hungarian life in often unexpected ways. Some of his more notable works include The Book of Hrabal, a story which focuses on the difficulties of communist Hungary, especially on privileged families, of which Esterhazy was descended; Celestial Harmonies is another work which relates the story of Esterhazy’s family, though, within the larger context of Hungary itself; his numerous works also include such titles as, A Little Hungarian Pornography, which addresses the topic of sex and women in Hungarian society. Esterhazy’s works continue to impress today’s audiences, both in Hungary and abroad, and only time will reveal how many more works this versatile writer may yet possess.
As we have seen, Hungary’s literary traditions are quite unique, providing a wealth of experience in new and existing literary styles which have helped to shape the world of literature that we know today. With emergence of Hungary as one of Central Europe’s most important and progressive state, the future appears bright for the development of even more impressive writing styles from that ‘dark, backward corner’ of Europe’s history. And, as the world shrinks, and people learn more of the growing global community around them (ie Americans) the work of Magyar writers may yet come to be read and appreciated by greater audience who will appreciate the rich foundation of their continued development. So, the next time you have a desire to delve into some quality reading, remember the less-known, but well-established, works of the Magyars, and enjoy the journey into the hearts and minds of some of Europe’s oldest and most heroic, if not stubborn, cultures. My own experience has shown that sometimes the best writing can be found in the places and cultures from where it would be least likely thought to exist.

Frida Kahlo
Hungary’s presence in Mexico

In the land of sun and fiestas, we find an odd shadow. Unlike most women of Mexico, Frida Kahlo stood out and made herself seen, refusing to take her expected place in the machismo culture which had dominated Mexico for centuries. Strongly independent and opinionated, Kahlo expressed her ideas and emotions through her large and vivid collection of art which came to symbolize this fiery woman’s own ideas on what the role of women ought to be. Her works include everything from paintings, to sculptures, to the interior decorations of her now famous home which she shared for much of her life with Diego Rivera.
The favorite daughter of Guillermo Kahlo, a Jewish immigrant from Hungary, Kahlo enjoyed the affections of her father, who considered her more intelligent than her other siblings. It was her father, who first introduced Kahlo to painting, and who worked to encourage her in her attempts to recover from an early illness.
Suffering from polio in her early years, Kahlo would have to spend the rest of her life learning to live with pain and discomfort. But, at the age of eighteen, Kahlo’s life grew even more painful. A terrible bus accident nearly claimed her life, and Kahlo spent the next few weeks in the hospital, as her body struggled to heal. She suffered a broken spine, pelvis, collarbone, ribs, and eleven fractures in her right leg alone, not to mention a dislocated and crushed foot. Kahlo’s life was forever changed, and yet, despite the inhibiting body braces and the limitations on her mobility, Kahlo was able to project herself into the eyes of the public, capturing the attention of the people of Mexico and of the world beyond.
Kahlo began painting during the long days in which she was confined to her bed as her body slowly healed. Eventually able to walk again, Kahlo continued to paint, and her popularity began to steadily grow. At Rivera’s suggestion, Kahlo began almost exclusively wearing the traditional dresses of Mexican women which combined with her distinctive thick eyebrows created the image of Frida Kahlo that is so famous today. Kahlo was regarded as one of the most beautiful women in Mexico at the time, and everywhere she went people stopped and stared at that the woman who had overcome so much.
However, it must be remembered that Kahlo’s suffering had endured for most of her life, the effects of which can be seen in her paintings, many of which contrast sharply with the typically festive Mexican atmosphere. Appearing in numerous paintings and murals done by her husband, Rivera, Kahlo almost always bears a stern and somber expression, her countenance reflecting the enduring efforts to master her pain, which at times would leave her stricken in the bed for days.
In the end, however, the sufferings she had to endure proved too much, and Kahlo began to grow frustrated with life. Kahlo attempted suicide on several occasions, and it was rumored that her death was simply the result of her finally succeeding. Some would say that such actions reflect on a childhood steeped in the teachings of her father, who likely may have reflected the more depressed, somber mood of many Hungarian people at the time. Most of Kahlo’s works are indeed somber, but a more likely explanation, is the painful and, often times, lonely life which Frida Kahlo lived.

Bibliography

Czigany, Lorant. “A History of Hungarian Literture.” 1984. Library of Hungarian Studies. 2002. 4 June 2006 .

“Frida Kahlo.” 2002. Brain-Juice. 5 June 2006 .

“Greatest Hungarian Poets Index.” Zoltech. 2006. 17 May 2006 .

“Hungarian literature.” Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2006. Encyclopaedia Britannica Premium Service. 4 June 2006 .

“Hungarian Literature.” The Columbian Encyclopedia. 6th ed. 2006. HighBeam Research, Inc. 4 June 2006 .

“Janos Arany.” LoveToKnow 1911 Online Encyclopedia.2003, 2004 LoveToKnow. 4 June 2006 .

Nobelprize. The Swedish Academy.2005. 5 June 2006 .

Van Houten, Carl. “Books: Colicchio, Esterhazy, Gorey.” 25 April 2005. The Constant Reader. 5 June 2006 .

A Background of Hungarian Media

2006-06-05T07:53:00.000-07:00

By: Lauren Ashlin

There have been many gigantic changes in the world of media from the time that it began in 1893 in Budapest, Hungary. We have gone from listening to radio through our telephones to thousands of channels on AM and FM stations and more television channels than we can ever begin to watch. Many people, ideas, agreements and controversies had a large hand in making Journalism where it is today.

Let's begin with one of the most highly recognized people in journalism who was born April 10, 1847, in Mako, Hungary, Joseph Pulitzer. Joseph was born to a wealthy grain merchant, and devout Roman Catholic mother. He had one younger brother, Albert. His father retired in Budapest, Hungary and Joseph attended private schools while growing up in Budapest. After school he went to enlist in the Austrian army. He was not accepted because of his week eye sight and bad health. He finally was permitted to join the war under the Civil War draft system, and the next thing he knew he worked his way to St. Louis by doing odd jobs such as muleteer, baggage handler, and waiter. He would always travel to the city Library he found two men playing chess. After, engaging in a long and fascination conversation with his opponents, who ended up being editors of a leading German Daily Newspaper, Westliche Post and they offered him a job. And history was made. He worked as a writer, editor, publisher, and years later finally bought the New York World. Joseph was highly known for his investigative articles, and it made his paper very popular. He would often post many articles such as; government corruption, wealthy tax- dodgers, and gamblers. Joseph died in 1911 and one year later aboard his yacht the Columbia School of Journalism was founded. The first prize was given in 1917 and more awards in journalism would go to exposure of corruption than to any other subject. (www.pulitzerprize.org)

Another very important part of Hungary heritage is the beginning of Television/Radio in the late 1800’s the first television service in the world was introduced in Budapest, Hungary. With the help of the telephone network, the citizens of Budapest used their telephone headphones and a 14 hour broadcast was released in 1893. The program was called the “Telephonic News Dispenser.”

In 1882, a man who left his mark on Hungary became famous for his dark character and deep voice was born in Lugosi, Austria-Hungary. His name was Bela Lugosi. He was mostly known for his terrifying role in Dracula. Lugosi was once named as one of the screen's greatest personifications of pure evil. His career diminished because he accepted every role, script, play ever given to him. He was a distinguished stage actor in Hungary; he ended up a drug-addict in Hollywood. He died at the age of 74 of a heart attack and was in such deep poverty that Frank Sinatra quietly paid for his funeral. Lugosi was buried in his DRACULA cape and when fellow filmmaker Peter Lorre saw viewed his body he made the comment “Should we stick a stake in his heart just to be safe?”

In 1905, another native born Hungarian and very influential producer and actor, Peter Lorre was born in Rózsahegy, Hungary to Alois and Elvira Löwenstein. He went to school and was educated in Austria. He ran away from home when he was 17 and joined an theater group. He adopted the stage name "Lorre" in 1925. His distinctive, dark voice gave Lorre a excellent career in radio. He guest-starred on all of the comedy/variety series from the mid-1930s into the 1950s, as well as thrillers such as "Inner Sanctum Mysteries" and "Suspense", and had three radio series of his own: "Mystery in the Air", "Nightmare", and for the Armed Forces Radio Services, "Mystery Playhouse". You may know him from Alfred Hitchcock’s movie The Man Who Knew to Much or his ever popular role in Casablanca in 1942. His favorite quote of all times was “All that anyone needs to imitate me is two soft-boiled eggs and a bedroom voice.”

In May of the year 1925 the Hungarian Radio was born. They still had to use telephone wires and their radio shows were accomplished with a joint stock company named the “Hungarian Telephone – Journal and Radio Company.” The first real radio broadcast started on December 1, 1925.

The most important aspects of Hungarian Radio in the early 1900’s were good music, literature, and pedagogy. They tried very hard to make sure there was no vulgar language or anything slain said against the Hungarian ways or people.

In 1945 the Telephone News Dispenser (radio) was put to rest, and a new company was born the “Central News Agency Share-Holding Company.” Just a mere 10 years late the Cold War began and the Hungarian Revolution began. The very first fights between people from Budapest and the Hungarian forces were right in front of the “radio house” (station). The front of the station had the inscription “Free Radio Kossuth” Louis Kossuth was the Father of Hungarian Democracy. His most known saying was “All for the people and all by the people; nothing about the people without the people – That is Democracy!" .

This gave reporters all over the world much to talk and write about. In 1957 a Pulitzer Prize was won by Russell Jones of United Press for his excellent and sustained coverage of the Hungarian revolt against Communist domination, during which he worked at great personal risk within Russian-held Budapest and gave front-line eyewitness reports of the ruthless Soviet repression of the Hungarian people. (www.pulitzerprize.org)

In 1970 the Hungarian Radio separated from Hungarian television. Now, in current day it broadcasts on three national channels. The first no commercial radio station came into play 10 years after the television and radio split. Still to this day it covers almost all of the country. It was just three years later when the Prime minister asked for dismissal of the radio and television presidents. Even some journalists were asked to leave and never come back. This occurrence lead to the first ever radio strike.

All of the fights, strikes, and arguments lead to the freedom of the press act which was passed and stated in the Constitution of the Hungarian Republic. The constitution was written in 1949 but didn’t really start being enforced until independence was granted in 1989. Act XX, Article 61, has four major parts:
Part One: In the Republic of Hungary everybody has the right to freely express their opinion and have access to and disseminate data concerning the public.
Part Two: The Republic of Hungary acknowledges and protects the freedom of the press.
Part Three: The amendment of the Act on the publication of data of public concern and on the freedom of the press requires a two-thirds majority of Parliament.
Part Four: A two-thirds majority is needed for the appointment of the leaders of public radio, television and news agencies, the licensing of commercial radio and television stations and the passing of any act on the prevention of media monopolies.

Right after this amendment was passed a new kind of media became very popular in Hungary, print journalism. Magazines started a roaring business in 1990. The most popular magazines were lifestyle and fashion. They were the Hungarian version of Cosmopolitan, or Elle. Another very popular magazine in Hungary is Playboy and yet another favorite is the celebrity magazines, mostly tabloids like the Enquirer or STAR.

Just three years later in 1993, an opportunity was born for all future journalists when the Budapest Media Institute (BMI) was founded as a private journalism school by a journalist, Dr. Henrik Havas . When students enroll they have two choices. They can either choose to graduate after three years and graduate with a diploma or choose to stay longer and pick a specialization such as; journalism (radio, television, print), production, public relations, theory of communications, and media oriented informatics (web design).

In 1995, the Hungarian Parliament finally declared three bodies of Audiovisual law; The National Council for Audiovisual, the National Public Service for Financing (whose main purpose is to financially support the production and the broadcast of programs) and that National Council of Frequencies (whose main purpose was to grants the licenses for broadcasting and attribute the frequencies.

The audiovisual law was adopted in December 1995 after years of controversy. It stipulates:
“That the Hungarian Radio becomes a stock company having the state as the single owner. Public foundations were also created for guarantying real independence for Hungarian Radio and Television Corporations in the relations with the state. ”

As in all post-communist countries, the media in Hungary is described as “the heritage of decades of communist rule and the influence of market mechanisms” introduced in the country after 1990. The structure of the media was changed from the communist times when all media was state-controlled. The media's role in society was also changed. Yet the historical ways of communism continues. It creates tension to this day by serving as a reference point in much of the political, economic and ethical debates centered on the media.

In 1995, another huge step for Journalism began when The Center for Independent Journalism (CIJ) was established by the Independent Journalism Foundation (IJF). The Budapest Center, a non-profit and non-political organization, provides training to Hungarian media professionals, students and non-profit organizations. The primary aim of the Center is to support independent media and to promote fact-based, ethical, unbiased reporting. (http://www.media-diversity.org). The CIJ places a special focus on training programs such as; community media, international training projects, diversity issues and new media. It also trains journalists with workshops, seminars, and offers education furthering courses such as, reporting and editing skills. The CIJ has not only left its impression in Hungary but also launched a number of international projects, including a week long training program for Bosnian investigative journalists (July 1999), a study tour for circulation managers of newspapers (September 1999) with World Learning, and a seminar for Serbian journalists (February 2000) with USAID/IREX. (www.media-diversity.org)

With school and learning being a very important part of Hungarian heritage, literacy is at a very high percentage for the Hungarian people. The literacy rate is almost 100% for men and women which is outstanding. The United States comes no where near that percentage. With the literacy rate being so high the Hungarian newspapers are very popular. The most popular news paper up to the year 2000 was the Népszabadság with a daily circulation of 210,000. The Népszabadság has both permanent features and special supplements over the week. Its standard coverage consists of foreign politics with commentary, home affairs, mirror to the world, mirror to Hungary, culture, forum, market and economy, real estate market, news of the world, sport (in every day's edition), info world, green page, youth/school, the economy and technical/computer electronics. The Nepszabadsag held the name “The best newspaper in Hungary” until the beginning of the millennium a Swedish-owned, freely distributed tabloid, Metro, had quickly surpassed the Nepszabadsag and by 2002 had a circulation of 235,000. Newspapers are in constant battle. They compete every day, week and month. Most newspapers are turning to Yellow Journalism to keep readers attention.

Hungary has come a long way since media began in 1893. There are currently five major radio stations. First, is Kossuth Radio after the Father of Democracy. The major focus of this station is for news. It broadcasts news every hour; documentaries, literature, and theatre. This is the most popular to date in Hungary. The second is Petofi Radio has programs for people of all ages. It is a lot like American radio stations. About half of the program is talk time and half of the program is music. Another station is the Danubius Radio it is mostly a commercial radio station. This station was started mostly for tourists to inform them of happenings around Hungary. Another commercial radio station mentioned is the Calypso Radio it is broadcast mostly in Budapest, Hungary. One of the least popular broadcasts is Bartok Radio it is mostly classical music, science, literature, etc.

Currently in 2006, Hungary has 40 daily newspapers, 77 radio stations, and 35 Television stations. The main language is Hungarian and they are connected all over the world by internet usage with over 1,480,000 computers. The population of Hungary is around 10 million, of which 1.8 million (18 percent) live in the capital Budapest. Other major cities are Debrecen (204,000), Miskolc (172,000), Szeged (158,000), Pécs (157,000) and Györ (124,000). Almost two-thirds of the population is urbanized and the remaining one-third has ready access to all media. (http://www.pressreference.com)

The Roma Life

2006-05-29T10:03:00.000-07:00

Introduction
Getting up and sending your child to school probably doesn’t cause thoughts of horror to fill your mind. But to a Roma mother the everyday mundane tasks of raising a child, going to work or even shopping at the local grocery store can become a struggle against humility.
The “Gypsy crisis” in Europe is illustrated best through accounts of the treatment of the Roma in Romania.
According to the Center for Roma Rights, when Nicolae Ceausescu’s communist’s regime fell in 1989 there have been an estimated 30 anti-Roma programs in Romania.
Death, burned homes, forced migration, normal children placed in mentally retarded homes and unconsented sterilization are just a few of the prejudices and human rights violations the Roma people have suffered and continue to suffer today (Hancock, Ian “Anti-Gypsism in the New Europe” Roma, 1993, 38-39.)
With all the prejudices the Roma people face why do they continue to try and make their way in a society that seems to despise their very being? Why do they continue to hang on to their tribal heritages and cultures when it would be so much easier to conform to the environment around them?
Evidence suggests that the Roma’s refuse to integrate despite the obvious deep-seated prejudice and persecution they suffer. They hold steadfast to their identity and their heritage. Through researching this fascinating culture I have been truly disturbed by the oppression that was placed on them throughout history.
To best understand the people it is best to know where they came from and why this ethnic hatred toward them seems to overshadow them wherever they migrate.
Who are the Roma people?
“There are more than 12 million Roma located in many countries around the world,” (Hancock, Ian, A brief history of the Roma, 1998, 1-3.) The actual number of Roma population is not attainable, according to Hancock. There are no official records of them in the census records.
The Roma are divided into three populations, the Domari of the Middle East and the Eastern Europe also known as the Dom, the Lomarvren of the Central Europe, the Lom and the Romani of Western Europe or the Rom.
The Roma are believed to have been descended from India and migrated to Europe sometime over a thousand years ago, (Hancock, Ian, A brief history of the Roma, 1998, 7-11.) From their entrance into the European boarders they have fallen into slavery. The reason for their enslavement is virtually unknown, according to Dr. Roger D. Peterson in his study of ethnic hatred.
Dr. Peterson defines ethnic hatred as “an antagonism against a group or an object; the antagonism is focused on the purported innate characteristics of the opposing group, (Peterson, Robert, D., Understanding Ethnic Violence: Fear, Hatred and Resentment in the Twentieth Century Eastern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.)
The oppressors of the Roma people may find persecuting the Roma or gypsies as they as frequently called because the state has enacted several large-scale state sponsored persecutions. The Nazi terror of World War II is the one of the most documented and is responsible for more than 1.5 million Roma deaths during the Holocaust, (Hancock, Ian, A Brief History of the Roma, 1998, pg. 5.) The slight relief the Roma people may have felt after the fall of the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian empires in 1917-1918 was short lived and the fall of the communist government sparked a renewed hatred for the Roma people. Violent attacks against Romani immigrants went unpunished and virtually unnoticed by the authorities. Hancock states the Roma people remain the most integrated and persecuted people of Europe.
“Racist violence targeting Roma is on the rise after the fall of communism,” Hancock said.
The discrimination against them is threaded through their employment, education, health care, administration and other social services observed in society. The hate speech against the Roma people only serves to deepen the negative stereotyping in public opinion, (Hancock, Ian, A Brief History of the Roma, 1998, 5-9.)
In 1958, the Communist party tried to force the Roma people to assimilate, there was even a law passed that forbade them to travel, (Barsa , Pavel, Can Liberal Pluralism be Exported?, 2001, Oxford Press, 243-253.) The communist never recognized the Roma as a nationality, thus they were not allowed to develop a cultural or social life of their own until 1989. It was at this point they were given a slight leeway to begin the makings of their own cultural society. With the complete toppling of the communist party, the Roma’s lost the paternal state they have come to depend on for adequate housing and employment.
Which is how the mundane existence of a Roma family became a daily struggle against humility and violence. The Roma where caught up in a situation of triple –exclusion.
First a socio-economic exclusion, 75 percent of the Roma population is unemployed, they live in substandard housing and are subject to a lower standard of healthcare. Their social status is commonly referred to as “inhuman” and they are stereotyped as thieves and liars. Secondly, cultural exclusion, is exhibited by the high number of Roma children who are transferred from stand elementary classes to “special” classes for mentally retarded children, without any measure of study of their mental intellect. There is also a significantly low amount of high school graduates or college enrollments by Roma students, (Acton, Thomas. Scholarship and the Gypsy Struggle: Commitment in Romani Studies, 2000. 120-121.) The last form of exclusion is political exclusion. There is a vivid absence of Roma presence in political power and in any authority groups, (Barsa, Pavel, Can Liberal Pluralism be Exported, 2001, Oxford Press, 251-253.)
Is the future hopeless for this group of persecuted people? Are they destined to just set back and continue their substandard lives?
In Europe today, there a number of negative myths that still exist. These myths are a part of the very fabric of the day-to-day life of the European public. They are integrated into childhood bedtime stories and family legends. The stereotypes of the “Gypsy” is so common that even leading human rights activist often fail to recognize the plight of the Roma people, (Goldston, James A., Roma Rights, Roma Wrongs, 2002, 144-147.)
Conclusion
It looks like the future of the Roma population is finally beginning to change for the better. In the highly Roma populated eastern and central Europe, the Roma people have begun to rediscover their identity. Movements of community and advocate groups are sweeping the Roma population. This once despised group is gaining ground in the employment field with the help of individual human right groups and the newly formed European Union has caused political figures to look deeper at the prejudice and in humane treatments that were happening in their own backyards, according to Goldston.
Goldston states the improved future of the Roma population is in no way secure and has turned bleak on many occasions in the past. He concludes the main factor for the improvement in the Roma lifestyle is based on an “extraordinary piece of luck and timing,” He credits the intensification of the EU to transform itself from a free trade zone to a more political union as the catalyst that boost the Roma peoples inclusion into society. The development of the European project has caused a group of central and eastern countries to look at the past of the European treatment of minorities.
This project uncovered the horrific treatment of the Roma population and spurred the signing of treaties such as, the U.N. Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the European Convention of Human Rights, (Goldston, James A., Roma Rights, Roma Wrongs, 2002, 147-152)
While there are still instances of prejudice and human right violations against Roma people in today’s Europe, there is one main and prominent difference; today the violated man or woman has an outlet to report the violation. They also have an advocate to fight for their rights and this is a definite change for the better.
The EU can only achieve so much. The primary responsibility for protecting the minority rights of the Roma population ultimately falls back on national governments.
Goldston concludes the future of the Roma people rests on the senior members of government. It will be up to them to stand up for Roma rights and to publicly acknowledge that racism is persuasive and unacceptable.
Submitted by: Tonya Domokos

Bibliography
Acton, Thomas. (2000). Scholarship and the Gypsy Struggle: Commitment in Romani Studies
Barany, Zoltan. (2002). The Eastern European Gypsies: Regime Change, Marginality, and Enthopolitics. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Cambridge University Press
Barsa, Pavel, (2001). Can Liberal Pluralism be Exported?. Oxford, New York: Oxford Press.
Goldston, James A. (2002). Roma Rights, Roma Wrongs. Foreign Affairs, Vol. 81, number 2.
Hancock, Ian. (1997). A Brief History of the Roma. The Patrin Journal, Vol. 3, Number 5
Hancock, Ian. (1993). Anti-Gypsism of Eastern Europe. Roma, 38-39.
Peterson, Roger D. (2002). Understanding Ethnic Violence: Fear, Hatred and Resentment in Twentieth Century Eastern Europe. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Cambridge University Press.